Oppenheimer, Elsa

[Top section:] ...inquiries about [?] regarding the Danube... waiting... endorsement... in the hope... besides needing an affidavit... Switzerland... registration... for grandfather... Greetings to you all! Julius [Second section:] My dear Mina, heartfelt thanks for your dear card, which arrived delayed... I wanted to give you the report from Aunt Margit [who came?] from Hannover... One is constantly being admonished... My library [will come?] — perhaps this time there is hope. No celebrations... Would you still want to [send] something to Bette... [who] should be greeted... letters... to get around the city... means of transportation... Your Thekla

[Top section — continuation:] [?] müsste bei mir Bezüge [?] anfragen wegen Donau [?] für das Warten in Hausfrauli [?] hat [?] Indossement [?] ... [?] ist bis jetzt [?] in der Hoffnung [?] immer [?] und nur [?] die Rampung ... [?] Ausserdem braucht [?] bei ihm ein Affil [?] Lienz [?] ... das [?] fein u. [?] Schweiz [?] ... [?] Dein [?] auf feine Hin u. [?] Schweiz [?] für die Meldung [?] für Grossvater [?] ... Grüsse Euch! Julius [?] [Second section — different handwriting:] Meine liebe Mina, herzlichen Dank für Deine lb. Karte [?] über welcher verschoben kam u. [?] und [?] wollte möchte ich Dir den Bericht der Tante Margit der [?] aus Hannover heraus [?]. Man wird weiter ermahnt und [?] wird werden. Meine Bibliothek kommt [?] eine Hoffnung in vielleicht diesmal. Keine Feierlein [?] gibt sich. Willst du denn Bette etwas noch [?] die soll am [?] Teil empfangen grüssen und [?] Briefe sie Zahl um die Stadt zu bekommen. [?] würde ich [?] für sie [?] einen beiden Bewegungsmitel in Beschlag genug zu Hilfe [?] wohl [?] ... [?] Deine [?] Thekla

This page reveals the multiple threads of concern: emigration paperwork (affidavits, Switzerland as a transit route), family members scattered across Germany (Aunt Margit from Hannover), restricted movement and living conditions, and the effort to maintain family bonds through letters. The mention of "Bibliothek" (library) may refer to attempts to ship personal possessions.

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[Handwritten in Kurrent script along the left margin and top; partially legible] Mag. R. Oppenheimer [?] [Several lines of Kurrent script — content appears to be brief personal greetings typical of a postcard]

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Address side of postcard. Printed heading "Postkarte" at top. Postmark visible from Heilbronn [date partially legible]. Addressed in handwritten Kurrent script to: Fräulein Angela [?] Oppenheimer [c/o?] Kaiser W. Karl [?] Ulm a. D. [Ulm an der Donau]

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Munich, June 15, 1930 Dear Mina! Your letter of June 6 [was received]... [The letter discusses personal and family matters, including travel plans, mentions of acquaintances, discussion of work/employment, and references to Holland. The writer appears to be updating Mina about various family members and personal circumstances. Many specific details cannot be deciphered due to the Kurrent handwriting.]

München 15 Juni 1930 Liebe Mina! Deinen Brief vom 6/6 habe [?] 24 [Tage?] mit einigem [?] plötzlich und [?] immer aber [?] ich [?] [mehrere Zeilen in Kurrent, schwer zu entziffern] ... wollen u. können von [?] kam u. [?] kaufen und mit [?] Briefe das war mit [?] u. [?] Grüsse [?] ... sofort [?] möglich ... ich [?] Hoffnung [?] kam u. [?] was hier [?] Gastes kommen zu tun ... [?] auf welchen [?] Briefe [?] höflichst [?] u. [?] das [?] was [?] grüsst hier und kommt mit [?] einen lieben Wünsche [?] uns [?] ganz [?] vielleicht sogar zu [?] vielleicht versprenn [?] ich [?] da [?] die Mitteilung man [?] Frau Marie [?] aufgefasst hat [?] über die [?] ... nicht ohne [?] Treue u. ganz [?] u. ist ist [?] wird [?] die Pension [?] ... u. komme [?] einen Münch und [?] Tochter [?] meines [?] machen [?] in [?] auf [?] gern seit 10 [?] bin ... mag [?] über die Arbeit nachkommens [?] ... u. [?] ... Von Holland und [?] die [?] kenner [?] angezeigt von [?] Feldpost [?] dienst ... auch von mir einmal früheren [?] ... und [?] ... weitere [?] [?] von wie [?] ... [Multiple additional lines in Kurrent script, largely illegible at this resolution]

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[Top: continuation of previous letter — discusses writing, travel plans, and errands] Greetings and kisses M.B. [?] [Second note:] My dear Mina, and from me also heartfelt thanks for your dear letter. As always, we are very [glad?]... The letters always arrive quickly and punctually. From Sally [news]... Remember Aunt Frieda and [try] again about the passport in Hannover and further... You should [?] reside in [?]... that Betty joins on the return journey. On Sunday, Roselie's [daughter/relative] Mane was with us, and [visited] in Semmering where she is very [happy]. She seems quite content.

[Top portion: continuation of letter from 0003] geschrieben [?] muss [?] über [?] begeben die Woche [?] mit [?] nehmen ... [multiple lines in Kurrent] ... Grüsse u. Küsse M.B. [?] [Second note, different handwriting:] Meine liebe Mina, und von mir herzlichen Dank für Deinen lb. Brief. Wir immer, sehen wir mir sehr [?], denn wir [?] um in [?] die Briefe immer schnell u. pünktlich begleich. Von Sally [?] es Dir nichts [?] drücken [?] ... errinnere [?] Tante Frieda u. [?] nur wieder wegen doch u. [?] Pass in Hannover u. weiter [?]. Du sollst Mundige [?] wohnen in [?] dass ein [?] Betty auf die Rückreise anschliesst. Am Sonntag war Roselies Mane bei uns, u. ist mir [?] in Semmerin mit sie sehr [?] v. [?] wohle. Sie steht ganz zufrieden.

This page contains the end of the letter from 0003 and an additional note from another family member (possibly Elsa Oppenheimer). The mention of passports and Hannover suggests early discussion of emigration logistics. Betty, Sally, Aunt Frieda, and Roselie are mentioned as family connections.

Dear Mrs. Steve! Has [the devotional/religious matter?] [returned/come back] again! Greetings, Mina

Lb. Frau Steve! Hat sich Andächtiges [?] wieder ab! Grüße Mina

This brief, faint pencil note appears to be a quick personal message from Mina Kaufmann to a "Mrs. Steve" — likely a friend or neighbor. The note is largely illegible due to the light pencil writing and age of the document. It was preserved among the Oppenheimer immigration papers, suggesting it was jotted on the back of one of the documents being assembled for the visa application. The casual, abbreviated tone contrasts with the formal legal documents surrounding it, offering a glimpse of the everyday social interactions that continued alongside the urgent immigration work.

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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA } STATE OF NEW YORK } SS COUNTY OF NEW YORK } I, Samuel Morris, being duly sworn, depose and say: That I reside at 200 West 86 Street, New York City. That in December, 1938, I filed an affidavit of support in favor of Mr. Julius Oppenheimer and wife Mrs. of Alfonsstrasse 1, Munich, Germany, who applied for immigration visas to the United States under the German quota. That I have been informed by the applicants that I should submit additional proofs and that, therefore, I enclose a statement from the Equitable Life Insurance Society showing the cash value of policy #551462 to be $1,016.00. That I have a joint bank account with my wife, Mrs. Ethel Morris, at the National City Bank of New York City, 79th Street and Amsterdam Avenue. That I am very anxious indeed to help Mr. and Mrs. Julius Oppenheimer, since my father was in Germany before he came to this country; that being in very bad circumstances, he received great help from the parents of the above, Mr. and Mrs. Josef Oppenheimer. That I am only too glad to show my gratitude to his children and that I will do everything to make their life in the United States a happy one. That I promise hereby to take Mr. and Mrs. Julius Oppenheimer into my own home, giving them full board and lodging for an indefinite time; that I will take care of all their other expenses, such as medical care and hospitalization, if necessary, and will give them a weekly allowance of $10.00 for their personal needs besides full board and lodging.

This updated affidavit from Samuel Morris expands significantly on his earlier letters (0003/0005) and provides crucial genealogical information. Morris reveals that his father had been helped by "Mr. and Mrs. Josef Oppenheimer" — Julius's parents — when the elder Morris was in dire circumstances in Germany. This confirms that the Oppenheimer family's reputation for generosity extended back at least one generation, to Josef Oppenheimer (Julius's father, b. ~1860s in Gemmingen). Morris's gratitude is deeply personal and intergenerational: the Oppenheimers helped his father, and now he wishes to repay that debt by rescuing their son and daughter-in-law. His financial documentation includes an Equitable Life Insurance policy (#551462) worth $1,016 and a joint bank account with his wife Ethel Morris at the National City Bank (79th and Amsterdam — the same bank branch used by Mina Kaufmann in 0011). His promise of full board, lodging, medical care, hospitalization, and $10/week ($215/week today) represents the most comprehensive support package offered by any sponsor.

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[Most of page blank — text from page 1 visible as bleed-through] That I have an income which easily allows me to undertake this responsibility, since I have to support only my wife and my 17 years old son. That my daughter whom I supported a year ago, has got married in the meantime and is supported by her husband. ./.

The conclusion of Samuel Morris's updated affidavit adds personal biographical detail: he supports only his wife and 17-year-old son, and his daughter has recently married and is now supported by her husband — reducing his financial obligations and strengthening his ability to sponsor the Oppenheimers. The "./" notation at the bottom indicates the document continues (likely with a notary page or additional enclosures that were filed separately). Morris's address at 200 West 86th Street — in the same block as Mina Kaufmann at 145 West 86th Street — reinforces the tight geographic cluster of the rescue network on the Upper West Side.

This is an invoice from the Tausig Service Corporation, a service agency at 29 West 46th Street, New York, billing Miss Mina Kaufmann at 145 West 86th Street, New York City, for the filing of three affidavits of support in favor of the Kaufmann-Oppenheimer family. The affidavits were filed by Mina Kaufmann, Samuel Morris, and Mrs. Ketz, each costing $3.00. An additional $0.51 was charged for photostatic copies, for a total of $9.51. A handwritten notation "erhalten" (German for "received") with a signature and the date November 7, 1939 confirms payment.

Bryant 9-2525 TAUSIG SERVICE CORPORATION 29 West 46th Street New York November 6, 1939 To Miss Mina Kaufmann 145 West 86 Street New York City. 120 Affidavit filed by Miss Kaufmann in favor of Kaufmann – Oppenheimer $3.00 " " " Mr. Sam Morris " " Kaufmann & Oppenheimer $3.00 " " " Mrs. Ketz " " Kaufmann & Oppenheimer $3.00 Fee for photostatic copies as per enclosed bill $0.51 ----- $9.51 erhalten [received] [Signature: Wohl…] Nov. 7, 1939

This invoice documents the immigration sponsorship efforts on behalf of Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer. In 1939, Jewish refugees fleeing Nazi Germany needed American sponsors to file affidavits of support — sworn statements guaranteeing financial responsibility — in order to obtain immigration visas. Mina Kaufmann (née Weiler), a cousin already in New York, coordinated multiple affidavits through the Tausig Service Corporation, a firm that assisted refugees with immigration paperwork. Three separate sponsors — Mina herself, Samuel Morris, and a Mrs. Ketz — each filed affidavits. The total cost of $9.51 (approximately $200 in today's money) underscores the bureaucratic expenses involved in the emigration process. The German notation "erhalten" on an American business invoice reflects the bilingual world of German-Jewish refugees in New York.

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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA } STATE OF NEW YORK } SS COUNTY OF NEW YORK } The American Consul General Stuttgart, Germany. Sir: re: Application for Immigration Visas on German quota, Mr. and Mrs. Julius Oppenheimer, Alfonsstr.1, Munich. The above applicants inform me that additional proofs for my good will are required before the visas can be issued. I wish to stress that although I am not related to the prospective immigrants, the tie of friend- ship which unites our families is much stronger than any family tie. I like Mr. and Mrs. Oppenheimer very much indeed and I also feel that here at last, I have an occasion to show them my gratitude for everything that their family did in its time for my own father. My wife, my son and myself live in a six rooms apartment and we have set aside one room for Mr. and Mrs. Oppenheimer. Everything is prepared for them to make them feel really at home when they come to stay with us. I promised already to give them besides full board and lodging, $10.00 (ten Dollars) weekly for pocket-money so that they can provide them- selves for all their expenses. I have a very good income and I prefer this way of providing for them, instead of putting up the money on the bank. Please, consider once more the Affidavit and proofs submitted in November, 1939. I feel certain that I have met with all requirements and I will be glad to receive the news I may send them the necessary transportation. Thanking you for your kind consideration, I beg to remain, Respectfully yours, Samuel Morris 200 West 86 Street [partially visible]

This is a powerful letter from Samuel Morris, a New York resident, to the American Consul General in Stuttgart, supplementing his affidavit of support for Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer's immigration visa application. Morris emphasizes that while not a blood relative, the bond between the families is "much stronger than any family tie" — the Oppenheimer family had helped his own father in the past, and he now wishes to repay that debt. He details concrete plans: a room set aside in his six-room apartment, full board and lodging, and $10 per week in pocket money (about $215/week today). His address at 200 West 86th Street places him in the same Upper West Side neighborhood as Mina Kaufmann (145 West 86th Street), suggesting a close-knit community of German-Jewish immigrants coordinating rescue efforts. The Oppenheimers were living at Alfonsstrasse 1, Munich, at the time of this application. The letter's urgent, personal tone — and its reference to proofs "submitted in November, 1939" — reflects the increasingly desperate race against time as war had already broken out in Europe.

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[Mostly blank page] Sworn to and subscribed before me, a Notary Public, this day of ______________________ Notary Public

This is the blank reverse of the Samuel Morris affidavit letter (see 0003). The pre-printed notary jurat — "Sworn to and subscribed before me, a Notary Public" — appears at the bottom but was never filled in with a date or notary signature. This suggests either that the document was notarized on a separate form, that this is a copy rather than the original sworn document, or that the notarization was completed on the front page. The blank notary section is a standard element of American affidavit forms from this period.

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- 2 - That I wish to add that this is the first Affidavit of support — besides that for Mrs. Klara Kaufmann, submitted at the same time — which has been signed by me. That I have been informed that Mr. Julius Oppenheimer is suffering from varicose veins and that Mrs. Julius Oppenheimer is suffering from rheumatism, and that I maintain my Affidavit nevertheless. ________________________ Samuel Morris Sworn to and subscribed before me, a Notary Public, in and for said County, this day of November, 1939. ________________________ Notary Public.

This second page of Samuel Morris's affidavit contains two significant statements. First, he declares that this is his first affidavit of support (apart from one simultaneously filed for Mrs. Klara Kaufmann), addressing the consulate's concern about sponsors overextending themselves with multiple guarantees. Second, and more poignantly, he acknowledges being informed of the Oppenheimers' health conditions — Julius suffering from varicose veins and Elsa from rheumatism — and explicitly states he maintains his sponsorship "nevertheless." This was a critical declaration: U.S. consulates routinely denied visas to immigrants with health conditions, fearing they would become public charges. By acknowledging the conditions and reaffirming his commitment, Morris was directly countering a common ground for visa refusal. The mention of Klara Kaufmann receiving a parallel affidavit connects to the broader family rescue network visible across this correspondence folder.

This is a printed receipt form issued to M. Kaufmann, documenting a payment received from the Jewish Refugees Committee in the amount of £266, 11 shillings, and 1 penny. The payment is described as "Repayment of deposit re: Julius & Elsa Oppenheimer." The receipt is dated November 30, 1939, and marked as "B" account.

No. [illegible] M. Kaufmann 30 NOV 1939 19 Received from JEWISH REFUGEES COMMITTEE the sum of Two hundred & sixty six Pounds eleven Shillings and one Pence Repayment of deposit re: — Julius & Elsa Oppenheimer £266-11-1. PLEASE RETURN RECEIPTED. "B" A/c

This receipt reveals that Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer's emigration from Nazi Germany involved transit through England, facilitated by the Jewish Refugees Committee — a British organization that assisted Jewish refugees. The substantial sum of £266/11/1 (equivalent to roughly £18,000–£20,000 today) was a deposit or bond required by the British government as a guarantee that refugees would not become a public charge. The repayment to M. Kaufmann (likely Mina Kaufmann, the family's American cousin and principal sponsor) suggests that the deposit was returned after Julius and Elsa either departed England for their final destination or met other conditions. This document connects to the parallel American affidavit process documented in 0001, showing the two-track emigration effort — British transit permits and American immigration visas — being coordinated simultaneously in late 1939.

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ALL COMMUNICATIONS TO BE ADDRESSED TO THE DEPARTMENT AND NOT TO INDIVIDUALS JEWISH REFUGEES COMMITTEE FINANCIAL DEPARTMENT. TELEPHONE No.: BLOOMSBURY HOUSE, MUSEUM 2900 BLOOMSBURY STREET, LONDON, W.C.1. CODES: REFUGEES, WESTCENT, LONDON Ref. No. SL/JH/RN 5th December, 1939. Miss Mina Kaufmann, 143, West 86th Street, NEW YORK CITY, U.S.A. Dear Madam, re: OPPENHEIMER, Julius & Elsa. M/26906. At the request of Dr. Hans L. Lehmann, we send you herewith our cheque for £266: 11: 1d being refund in full settlement of the amount deposited by him. Kindly acknowledge receipt on the attached form. Yours faithfully, Financial Secretary. Encl:

This letter from the Jewish Refugees Committee at Bloomsbury House, London — the central hub for Jewish refugee assistance in Britain — confirms the refund of £266/11/1 previously deposited on behalf of Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer (case number M/26906). The refund was requested by Dr. Hans L. Lehmann, who had originally deposited the funds as a financial guarantee for the Oppenheimers' stay in England. The cheque was sent to Mina Kaufmann in New York, connecting the London and New York branches of the family's rescue network. This letter is the companion document to the receipt in 0002, which records the same amount. Bloomsbury House at Bloomsbury Street, WC1, served as the headquarters for multiple Jewish refugee organizations during the war years, coordinating transit, sponsorship, and resettlement for thousands of refugees. The reference number M/26906 and Dr. Lehmann's involvement suggest a structured process through which guarantors could reclaim deposits once refugees had moved on from Britain.

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[Reverse side of letter — Jewish Refugees Committee letterhead visible in reverse through the paper] [Handwritten pencil calculations, center of page:] 2/ 2/6 3/4[?] 10/6

The reverse of the Jewish Refugees Committee letter bears faint pencil calculations, likely noting currency amounts in British shillings and pence notation (e.g., 2/, 2/6, 3/4, 10/6). These may represent miscellaneous expenses or currency conversion notes related to the Oppenheimer case. The informal jottings on the back of official correspondence were typical of the era, when paper was used economically.

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[Postmark circle:] NEW YORK, N.Y. / FEB 6 / 11-AM / 1940 [Machine slogan cancel:] BUY U.S. SAVINGS BONDS / ASK YOUR [postal clerk?] [3-cent Thomas Jefferson stamp, purple] Miss Mina Kaufmann 145 West 86th Str. Apt 7. D New-York City.

This envelope was addressed to Mina Kaufmann at her apartment at 145 West 86th Street, Apt. 7D, New York City. Despite the New York postmark of February 6, 1940, the return address on the reverse (0010) identifies the sender as Arthur Baer of Rotterdam, Netherlands. The letter was likely forwarded or re-mailed within New York after arriving from Europe. The machine cancel promoting U.S. Savings Bonds was a standard postal slogan of the period. Arthur Baer's involvement from Rotterdam connects to the broader network of European contacts assisting with the Oppenheimer emigration — Rotterdam was a major port of departure for transatlantic crossings, and Baer may have been involved in arranging the Oppenheimers' transit through the Netherlands.

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ARTHUR BAER ROTTERDAM Rochussenstr. 57a Tel. 84240

The reverse of the envelope reveals the sender: Arthur Baer, residing at Rochussenstrasse 57a in Rotterdam, Netherlands, with telephone number 84240. The stamped return address (rather than handwritten) suggests Baer was an established resident or businessman in Rotterdam. Rotterdam was one of the last major ports still operating for transatlantic passenger ships in early 1940 — just months before the German invasion of the Netherlands in May 1940 would close this escape route permanently. Baer's correspondence with Mina Kaufmann in New York in February 1940 may relate to arranging transit or shipping passage for the Oppenheimers through Rotterdam. The fate of Arthur Baer himself after the German occupation of the Netherlands in May 1940 is unknown from this document alone.

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THE NATIONAL CITY BANK OF NEW YORK 86th St. BRANCH NEW YORK. 3-20-40. 19 Received from Miss Mina Kaufman. The following: Fifteen dollars ($15.00) cash plus $1000 check of Harlem Savings Bank to be order endorsed. To be used to open credit in favor of Julius Oppenheimer. THE NATIONAL CITY BANK OF NEW YORK BY [Signature: G. Leogla [?]] S.F. 1013 PS 1-39 SC

This bank receipt documents a critical step in the Oppenheimer emigration: Mina Kaufmann depositing $1,015 ($15 in cash plus a $1,000 check from Harlem Savings Bank) at the National City Bank's 86th Street branch to open a letter of credit in favor of Julius Oppenheimer. This letter of credit would have served as proof of financial support for the American immigration authorities and could also be used to purchase transatlantic passage. The amount of $1,000 in 1940 (approximately $22,000 today) was a substantial sum, demonstrating the significant financial commitment required from sponsors. The Harlem Savings Bank check suggests Mina had savings specifically set aside for this purpose. The 86th Street branch location is consistent with the Upper West Side German-Jewish community where Mina and other sponsors lived.

ARTHUR BAER MANNHEIM. Sheet to the letter of to April 1, 1940 Dear Mina! As I already wrote to you, the Munich people sent 5 suitcases and 4 crates here, and through my good connections with the Holland America Line I managed to have these things shipped to N.Y. at a reduced freight rate. However, I had to name a former passenger of this company as the recipient — I specifically named Max O. I am now sending you enclosed the inventory lists sent to me from Munich, so that you are at least somewhat informed. Have Max authorize you to receive the suitcases and crates on his behalf, and he can declare everything as his own property so that customs duty etc. is avoided. You will just have to see where you store the things — perhaps the local aid society has a storage room, so that there is no or only minimal storage fee. It concerns 5 suitcases J.O. 1, 10, 12, 14, 15 and 4 crates 6963 Couch [and] blankets, bedding etc. 6964 Household goods 6965 " 0066 Kitchen items etc. Suitcase 1 contains clothes and shoes 10 " " linens etc. 12 " " " 14 } Family pictures, dishes etc. 15 }

ARTHUR BAER MANNHEIM. Blatt zum Briefe vom an 1. 4. 40 L. Mina! Wie Dir bereits geschrieben haben die Münchener 5 Koffer u 4 Kisten hier- geschickt und habe ich auf meinen guten Beziehungen zur Holland America Linie es fertiggebracht, daß diese Sachen zu ermäßigter Fracht nach N.Y. verschafft werden, allerdings mußte ich einem früheren Passagier dieser Gesellschaft als Empfänger ausgeben, genas habe die Max O. genannt. Ich übersende Dir nun anbei die mir von München zugesandten [Inhalt?] Verzeichnisse damit Ihr wenigstens einigermaßen im Bilde seid. Laß Dir von Max bevollmächtigen die Koffer u. Kisten für ihn in Empfang zu nehmen u. kann er ja all sein Eigentum deklarieren, damit Zoll etc. erspart bleibt. Du mußt eben sehen, wo du die Sachen aufbewahrest, vielleicht hat das dortige Hilfsverein einen Lagerraum, damit es nicht oder nur wenig Lagergebühr kostet. Es handelt sich um 5 Koffer J.O. 1, 10, 12, 14, 15 und 4 Kisten 6963 Couch [u.] Decken Betten etc 6964 Haushaltungsgegenstände 6965 " 0066 Küche etc Koffer 1 enthält Kleider u. Schuhe 10 " " Wäsche etc 12 " " " 14 } Familienbilder Geschirr etc 15 }

This letter reveals the logistical complexity of rescuing not just people but their possessions from Nazi Germany. Arthur Baer, writing from Rotterdam on old Mannheim letterhead (he had himself fled Germany), coordinated the shipment of the Oppenheimers' belongings — 5 suitcases and 4 crates — from Munich to New York via the Holland America Line. He used his personal connections to secure reduced freight rates, and employed a subterfuge: listing a former passenger named "Max O." as the recipient to avoid customs duties, essentially declaring the goods as personal property rather than an immigrant shipment. The detailed inventory (bedding, household goods, kitchen items, clothes, family photographs, dishes) represents the material remnants of a lifetime being shipped across the Atlantic. The mention of the "Hilfsverein" (Jewish aid society) for possible storage space in New York shows the ongoing reliance on community organizations. Baer's role as an intermediary in Rotterdam — the last major Dutch port before the German invasion of May 1940 — adds urgency to the timeline.

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[Handwritten annotations at top:] 4 Kisten } u. zwar 6963. 6964. 6965. 0066. 5 Koffer } J.O. 1. 10. 12. 14. 15 No. 621 RECEIVED $66.43 {125.14} EMPFANGEN 0.10 zegel [stamp tax] from Mr. A. Baer von Passenger per S.S. ________ Passagier per Dampfer Date _______ 19__ Classe Abfahrt Klasse for Excess baggage according to the respective Clause of the Passenger ticket. für Gepäcküberfracht gemäss der betreffenden Klausel der Fahrkarte. Baggage weighing 949 K.G. minus ___ K.G. = 949 K.G. Gepäck wiegt to be paid for at $7.- per 100 K.G. zu bezahlen mit ROTTERDAM, April 4th 1940 HOLLAND AMERICA LINE per _______ [10 cent Dutch fiscal stamp affixed] 728 P. - 10 A. 50 bl68. I-40.

This bilingual Dutch/English receipt from the Holland America Line documents the shipment of the Oppenheimers' belongings from Rotterdam. Arthur Baer paid $66.43 (125.14 Dutch guilders) for 949 kilograms of excess baggage — nearly a metric ton of household goods — at a rate of $7 per 100 kg. The handwritten annotations at the top inventory the shipment: 4 crates (numbered 6963, 6964, 6965, 0066) and 5 suitcases (J.O. 1, 10, 12, 14, 15), matching the inventory in Arthur Baer's letter (0012). The receipt is dated April 4, 1940 — just five weeks before the German Wehrmacht invaded the Netherlands on May 10, 1940, after which Rotterdam was devastated by bombing and the Holland America Line's passenger service was suspended. This receipt represents one of the last shipments to leave Rotterdam before the port was destroyed. The 10-cent Dutch fiscal stamp (zegel) affixed to the receipt was standard for commercial transactions in the Netherlands.

6963 ✓ Couch / blankets, bedding etc. 6964 ✓ Household goods 6965 ✓ " 0066 Kitchen items etc. Suitcase 1 ✓ Clothes and shoes 10 ✓ " Linens 12 ✓ " " 14 } Family pictures, dishes etc. 15 }

6963 ✓ Couch / Decken, Betten etc. 6964 ✓ Haushaltsgegenstände 6965 ✓ " 0066 Küche etc. Koffer 1 ✓ Kleider u. Schuhe 10 ✓ " Wäsche 12 ✓ " " 14 } Fam. Bilder, Geschirr etc. 15 }

This inventory checklist tracks the Oppenheimers' shipped possessions, matching the items described in Arthur Baer's letter (0012) and the Holland America Line receipt (0014). The checkmarks (✓) appear to indicate items that were received or verified upon arrival in New York. Three of four crates (6963, 6964, 6965) and three of five suitcases (1, 10, 12) are checked off, while crate 0066 (kitchen items) and suitcases 14 and 15 (family pictures and dishes, grouped together with a bracket) are not yet checked. This suggests either that not all items had arrived at the time of checking, or that some items were still in transit or storage. The contents paint a picture of an entire household being uprooted: furniture (a couch), bedding, kitchen equipment, clothing, linens, and most poignantly, family photographs — irreplaceable memories being shipped across an ocean ahead of their owners, who were still stranded in Europe.

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INSTRUCTIONS This form is to serve the purposes stated below, a separate copy to be presented by the importer for each of the first three purposes: 1. Card memorandum of entry (Art. 1169½) to be filed alphabetically by name of owner named in entry. A separate form must be presented for each owner when more than one owner is named in the entry. 2. Receipt for duties and taxes on formal and appraisement entries when a receipt is desired by importer. 3. Application to make entry prior to production of missing document(s) and collector's missing document record (Art. 1268 (a)). (Importer's signature required only in this case.) 4. Comptroller's missing document record—to be prepared in comptroller's office (Art. 1212 (b)). U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 2—15636

This is the standard printed reverse of U.S. Customs Form 5101, listing four purposes of the form. In this case, purpose 3 was relevant — application to make entry prior to production of missing documents — explaining why Mina Kaufmann signed the front as the importer. The form number 2-15636 and the Government Printing Office imprint date it as a standard pre-war Treasury Department form.

Travel Report No. ________ from ________ Current location: ________ Date: ________ Next address: Place: ________ Hotel ________ until ________ Enclosed ________ Com. No. ________ Payments ________ Re: ________ 17 * Following: inventory of luggage from Munich [?] Crate 663 contains Couch and blankets, bedding etc. " 6964 " Household goods " 6965 " " " " 0066 Kitchen items etc. Suitcase J.O. 1 contains Clothes and shoes [?] " J.O. 10 " Linens etc. " J.O. 12 " " " J.O. 14 Family pictures, dishes etc. [?] " J.O. 15 Same [?] etc. [Calculations at bottom — possibly weight or cost figures:] 345 304 [?] 66 ___

Reise-Bericht Nr. ________ von ________ z. Zt. Ort: ________ Dat.: ________ Nächste Adresse: Ort: ________ Hotel ________ bis ________ Anliegend ________ Com. Nr. ________ Zahlungen ________ Betreff: ________ 17 * Nachfolgend Inhaltsverzeichnis des Gepäcks v. München [?] Kiste 663 enthält Couch u. Decken Betten etc. " 6964 " Haushaltungsgegenstände " 6965 " " " " 0066 Küche etc. Koffer J.O. 1 enthält Koffer Kleider u. Schuhe [?] " J.O. 10 " Wäsche etc. " J.O. 12 " " " J.O. 14 Familienbilder Geschirr etc. [?] " J.O. 15 Dasselbe [?] etc. [?] — [Calculations at bottom:] 345 304 [?] 66 ___

This inventory was written on a pre-printed German "Reise-Bericht" (Travel Report) form — a standard commercial sales or travel form repurposed as shipping documentation. The page number "17*" at the top right suggests it was part of a larger set of records. The inventory confirms the same 4 crates and 5 suitcases documented throughout this correspondence: crates 663/6963, 6964, 6965, and 0066 containing household goods, bedding, and kitchen items; suitcases J.O. (Julius Oppenheimer) 1, 10, 12, 14, and 15 containing clothing, shoes, linens, family photographs, and dishes. The calculations at the bottom may relate to weight (the total shipment weighed 949 kg per the Holland America Line receipt in 0014) or costs. The initials "J.O." on the suitcases — Julius Oppenheimer's monogram — are a personal detail that humanizes the shipping records.

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Customs Form 5101 TREASURY DEPARTMENT Arts. 1169½, 1212, 1268, C. R. 1937; T. D. 49832, 49833. April 1939 ENTRY RECORD Entry No. 8287 RECEIPT MISSING DOCUMENTS Impost No. ________ Miss Mina Kaufmann (Address) (Owner—Declared on entry) same [?] * (Entered in name of) (Date of entry) * [illegible] 4/17/40 (Conveyance) (Date of arrival) H.H. and personal effects (Description of merchandise) (Missing documents) I hereby make application to make entry prior to $_________ (Internal revenue tax) production of missing document(s) named above. $ 14.32 (Duty) (Signature) (See reverse side for instructions) 2—15636

This U.S. Customs form documents the arrival of the Oppenheimers' shipped belongings in New York on April 17, 1940 — just 13 days after Arthur Baer dispatched them from Rotterdam (see 0014). The shipment was declared by Mina Kaufmann as owner and described as "H.H. and personal effects" (household goods and personal effects). A customs duty of $14.32 was assessed, and entry number 8287 was assigned. The form notes "Missing Documents," indicating that some required paperwork (likely the bill of lading or detailed manifest) had not yet been produced at the time of entry. The relatively quick 13-day transit from Rotterdam to New York via the Holland America Line reflects the efficiency of the route — one of the last functioning transatlantic shipping corridors before the German invasion of the Netherlands closed it permanently on May 10, 1940.

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THE BOWERY SAVINGS BANK CHARTERED 1834 110 EAST 42ND STREET NEW YORK SAFE DEPOSIT DEPARTMENT April 20, 1940 Mr. Fritz Hausmann 6299 Elwell Crescent Forest Hills, Long Island Dear Mr. Hausmann: When you consider that you may keep all of your valuables together in a safe place for as little as $5 [a year plus] [text cut off]

This letter from The Bowery Savings Bank to Fritz Hausmann at 6299 Elwell Crescent, Forest Hills, Long Island, appears to be a marketing letter promoting safe deposit box services. While not directly related to the Oppenheimer immigration, it was preserved in the correspondence file and establishes the Hausmann family's address — the same location where Fanny Hausmann stored Julius Oppenheimer's luggage (see receipt in 0019). Fritz and Fanny Hausmann were evidently part of the German-Jewish refugee community in the Forest Hills neighborhood of Queens, which had become a significant settlement area for Central European immigrants. Their willingness to store nearly a ton of the Oppenheimers' household goods in their home for months speaks to the communal solidarity among refugees and their supporters.

Receipt. Miss Dr. Mina Kaufmann paid for 5 months [storage of] the luggage of her uncle Julius Oppenheimer for the period from May 1 to October 1 [in the amount of] $10.— hereby confirmed Fanny Hausmann Forest Hills, May 30, 1940 6229 [or 6299] Elwell Crescent

Quittung. Frl. Dr. Mina Kaufmann zahlte für 5 Monate das Gepäck ihres Onkels Julius Oppenheimer für die Zeit vom 1. Mai bis 1. Okto- ber mit $10.— wird bescheint [bescheinigt] Fanny Hausmann Forest Hills, den 30. Mai 1940 6229 [or 6299] Elwell Crescent

This receipt documents that Fanny Hausmann of Forest Hills, Queens, stored Julius Oppenheimer's shipped luggage for five months (May 1 to October 1, 1940) at a cost of $10, paid by Mina Kaufmann. The address at Elwell Crescent in Forest Hills matches the Fritz Hausmann address on the Bowery Savings Bank letter (0020), confirming that Fanny and Fritz Hausmann were likely a married couple who were part of the extended support network. Mina Kaufmann is referred to as "Frl. Dr." (Fräulein Doktor — Miss Doctor), indicating she held a doctoral degree — an unusual distinction for a woman of that era. Julius Oppenheimer is described as Mina's uncle ("ihres Onkels"), confirming the family relationship. The fact that the luggage arrived in New York by April 17 (see 0016) but the Oppenheimers themselves had not yet arrived by May 30, 1940, underscores the agonizing gap between rescuing possessions and rescuing people.

hopefully everything arrives safely and doesn't cost you too much in repairs. Never mind about that. If we could now finally get the people themselves out, those are the great worries. By the way, enclosed is a letter from Munich for you. Write to me soon about how the application went, so that I can report back to Munich. Warm greetings, Arth[ur]. My telegram address: Colbois R'dam April 2, 1940: The inventory lists concerning [the shipment] are still pending, I'll send them along quickly. Enclosed is a copy of a letter from Munich. If you want to know something about us, contact Mr. and Mrs. Bernhard Gröschel from Forchheim in Bavaria, address: c/o Silberberg, 3675 Broadway, Apt. 4. H., New York. The suitcases/crates can probably only be dispatched from here in about 14 days. April 4, 1940: Dear Mina, the Gröschel family is now taking the things there with them. Get in touch with Mr. Gröschel immediately in order to be able to receive the things, specifically [regarding] the papers, if such have been issued [?]. The freight there cost approximately $70 — and has been paid by me. Mr. Gröschel declares the things [as his property] as his own property and contents. [Additional annotations with dates and signatures]

hoffentlich kommt alles gut an und geht du nicht zu viel Reparaturen. Auf geben damit. Wenn wir jetzt auf mal endlich die Menschen selbst heraus bekämen dann das sind große Sorgen. Übrigens anbei ein Bf. von München für Dich. Schreibe mir bald, wie es mit dem Gesuch erging, damit ich nach München berichten kann. Hrzl Grüße Arth. Meine Telegramm Adresse: Colbois R'dam 2.4.40 Die Inhaltsverzeichnisse betreffend ist noch frei, lasse solche rasch folgen. Anbei Abschrift eines Briefes von München. Wende Dich event. wann du etwas über uns wissen willst an Herrn, Frau Bernhard Gröschel aus Forchheim i. Bayern die Adr. c/o Silberberg 3675 Broadway Apt. 4. H. N. York. Die Koffer/Kisten können vermutlich erst in ca 14 Tagen hier abgefertigt werden. 4.4.40 L. Mina Familie Gröschel nimmt nun die Sachen dort mit, setze Dich sofort mit Herrn Gröschel in Verbindung um die Sachen in Empfang nehmen zu können und zwar K.G. [?] die Papiere, wann so solche gesetzt [?] haben sollte. Die Fracht dorthin hat ca $70.— betragen und ist von mir bezahlt. Herr Gröschel deklariert die Sachen [several annotations and signatures] als sein Eigentum u. Inhalt [Additional handwritten annotations with dates and signatures, partially illegible]

This continuation letter, with its cascading postscript entries over several days (April 1, 2, and 4, 1940), captures the rapidly evolving logistics of the Oppenheimer property shipment. Arthur Baer's emotional aside — "If we could now finally get the people themselves out, those are the great worries" — reveals that while possessions could be shipped, the people themselves were still trapped. The plan evolved: rather than using the Holland America Line freight service alone, the Gröschel family (Bernhard Gröschel from Forchheim, Bavaria, now c/o Silberberg at 3675 Broadway, New York) would personally accompany the crates and suitcases, declaring them as their own property to avoid customs complications. The freight cost of $70 (about $1,500 today) was paid by Baer himself. His telegram address "Colbois R'dam" (Rotterdam) and the 14-day shipping estimate place this firmly in the final window before the German invasion of the Netherlands on May 10, 1940. The Gröschels were themselves recent refugees from Forchheim in Bavaria, now part of the broader network of German-Jewish émigrés helping each other from New York.

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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA } STATE OF NEW YORK } SS COUNTY OF NEW YORK } The American Consul General Stuttgart, Germany. Sir: Application for Immigration Visas on German quota, Mr. and Mrs. Julius Oppenheimer, Alfonsstrasse 1, Munich, Germany. I beg to refer to the letter which your Office addressed to the above applicants on December 5th. Please, be good enough and note that a statement from my Public accountant was enclosed with the Affidavit which I sent in November, 1939. My age is [blank] years and I am very well able to support the prospective immigrants, nobody being dependent upon me, because my parents have died in the meantime. I feel sure that if you look over once more the proofs which I submitted, they will be found sufficient. Trusting that a kind consideration will be given in the very near future, I beg to remain, Respectfully yours, Mrs. Bertha Katz nee Falk 760 Grand Concourse Bronx, N.Y. Sworn to and subscribed before me, a Notary Public, in and for said County, this day of ________________________ Notary Public

This letter from Mrs. Bertha Katz (née Falk) of 760 Grand Concourse in the Bronx is a follow-up to her November 1939 affidavit of support. She references a letter from the Stuttgart consulate to the Oppenheimers dated December 5th, suggesting the consulate had raised questions about the sufficiency of her financial documentation. She reminds the consul that her public accountant's statement was already included and notes that she has no dependents since her parents have "died in the meantime" — a poignant detail that may refer to their deaths in Germany. Her age was left blank in this version (filled in as 51 in the retyped copy, 0023). Mrs. Katz is almost certainly the "Mrs. Ketz" listed on the Tausig Service Corporation invoice (0001), with the slight spelling variation typical of the period. Her address on the Grand Concourse — the prestigious main boulevard of the Bronx — and her use of a public accountant suggest financial stability. This letter represents yet another sponsor adding to the mounting paperwork in the Oppenheimers' visa file.

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United States of America) State of New York ) SS County of New York) The American Consul General Stuttgart, Germany. Sir Application for Immigration visas on German Quota, Mr. and Mrs. Julius Oppenheimer, Alfonsstr1, Munich, Germany I beg to refer to the letter which your office addressed to the above applicants on December 5 th. Please be good enough and note that a statement from my Public accountant was enclosed with the Affidavit I sent in November 1938= My age is 51 Years and I am very well able to support the prospect immigrants, nobody being dependent upon me, because my parents have died in the meantime. I feel sure that if you look over once more the proofs which I[f] submitted, they will be found sufficient. Trusting that a kind considera tion will be given in the very near future, I beg to remain, Respectfully Yours Mrs. Bertha Katz nee Faln [Falk] 760 Grand Concourse Bronx, N. Y. Sworn to and subscribed before me, a Notary Public, in and for said County, This day of Notary Public

This is a retyped clean copy of the letter in 0022, likely prepared for a second submission or for the sponsor's own records. The key difference is that her age is now given as 51 years (left blank in the original). There is also a minor discrepancy: this copy references "November 1938" rather than "November 1939" for the date of the original affidavit — likely a typographical error, as the Tausig Service Corporation invoice (0001) dates the affidavit filings to November 1939. The existence of two versions of the same letter reflects the meticulous documentation that sponsors maintained, knowing that any deficiency could delay or prevent the issuance of life-saving visas.

Dear Mina! From Munich we received a desperate letter today, and in Stuttgart still nothing for Betty's passport photographs has arrived. [Someone] telegraphed this week that the journey would depart next week — what is causing the great delay — Bella in Boston or Aunt Hermine? By the way, the Munich [relatives] have sent 4 crates and 5 kg here, and we will have them loaded on one of the next ships, and you will then need to take them into storage. A family named Bernhard Göschel from Forchheim and a Mr. Jacob Kaufmann from Bayreuth will presumably bring the luggage or take it along; they depart on the 28th. Perhaps it will be sent on another ship, in which case I will let you know by telegram or by "Clipper" [airmail]. Crate: 6963 — with couch/bedding, beds, etc. 6964 — Household items 6965 — [contents not specified] 6966 — Book crate Suitcases: I.O. 1, 10, 12, 14–18 containing clothes, linens, paintings and pictures You must see how you can get to Erich. [The] Kellers say how glad they are! Warm greetings, Arthur

[Main body:] Liebe Mina! Von München [?] bekommen wir heute einen verzweifelten [?] Brief, und in Stuttgart weiter für [?] noch für Betty Lustphotographire eingetroffen. Man [?] diese woche telegraphiert die Fahrt [?] gingen nächste Woche ab, woran liegt nun die grosse Verzögerung — an Bella in Boston oder an Tante Hermine? Übrigens haben die Münchener 4 Kisten und 5 Kg hierhergeschickt, und wir lassen solche mit einem der nächsten Schiffe verladen und musst Du dann solche in Verwahrung nehmen. Voraussichtlich wird eine Familie Bernhard Göschel aus Forchheim und ein Herr Jacob Kaufmann aus Bayreuth das Gepäck oder mitnehmen; diese reisen am 28. [?] hier ab. Vielleicht schicken es aber auch mit einem anderen Schiff dann lasse ich Dich telegrafisch oder per "Clipper" wissen. Kiste: 6963 mit Couch betten Betten etc. 6964 — Haushaltungssachen 6965 — 6966 — Bücherkiste Koffer: I.O.1, 10, 12, 14–18 enthaltend Kleider, Wäsche, Gemälde u. Bilder [?] du musst eben sehen wie Du zu Erich Komest. [?] Kellers sprechen Wie froh sind wir! herzl. Grüsse Arthur

This letter documents the logistics of shipping household belongings out of Germany — a critical aspect of Jewish emigration. The Oppenheimers were sending crated possessions via ship to the United States through intermediaries. The mention of passport photographs, "Clipper" airmail, and the urgency about delays reflects the desperate race to emigrate. Bernhard Göschel from Forchheim and Jacob Kaufmann from Bayreuth appear to be fellow Jewish emigrants carrying luggage on the same ship. The detailed inventory of crates and suitcases preserves a record of what the family tried to save from their household.

Munich, [date], [1940/41] Dear Mina! For 18 days now I have been receiving... [The letter discusses the war situation, mentions Japan, discusses financial matters involving Dollar amounts ($1,400 and $100), appears to reference consulate visits and emigration paperwork. Contains discussion of family updates and concerns about relatives.]

München den 10. [?] [19]40 [or 41] Liebe Mina! [?] schon 18 Tagen bekomme [?] der Brief [?] u. Seid [?] und Vergnügen [?] hier u. [?] Kette [?] und liegt u. [?] höfisch [?] Leber [?] Weihnachten [?] von [?] ... des Kriegsfeld [?] vom Allem [?] nur auf dem [?] den nächsten Tag ... [?] ich trotz [?] Halbfinale dabei [?] in Ordnung [?] in [?] daher ... [?] angenommen [?] dass Japan wirklich [?] nächste [?] ... Wir fallen vor angefassten warten noch [?] Briefe [?] das folgt zu [?] anständig und finden [?] dass [?] geschehen ... wäre ... die Hilfe komme ich [?] Laafenau und was das [?] ich liebe weist [?] Bereits auf [?] Blättern das [?] muss [?] ... [Multiple additional lines in Kurrent, partially legible — discusses financial matters, mentions Dollar amounts of 1400 and 100, references to consulate visits and Kriegskind/Kindertransport(?)]

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[Handwritten portion:] Munich, [date] 1940 Dear Mina, we have [received?] from Hannover... [discusses everyday matters and emigration plans]... Julius [Second note:] Dear Mina, I too [send you?]... the enclosed... warm greetings... [Typed document:] American Consulate of the United States of America, Section 79 To Mr. and Mrs. Julius and Elsa [Oppenheimer] Afganstrasse [?] Munich Stuttgart, [date] 1940 In response to your application submitted on July 3, 1940 regarding an immigration visa, the issuance [requires] your [?] all necessary papers and documents... consulate fees... to appear. Of the submitted documents, [?] two copies... entry permit... which also [indicates?] the consulate's [requirements]... Respectfully, For the Consul General [signature] Vice Consul [?] of the United States of America at the Consulate

[Handwritten portion at top:] München den 17. [?] [19]40 Liebe Mina, [?] haben wir vor einem [?] von Hannover [?] und [?] folgenden alltäglichen [Posten?] welcher Dir die Absicht und [?] leider [?] ... Du kennst die [Sachen?], wie [?] nur so und [?] ... wir [?] [?] jetzt [?] Absicht [?] wollte [?] ... aus [?] sind [?] ganz genau Abschriften [?] nicht [?] reist u. [?] Es das mir [?] ihre [?] wenigstens [?] nicht [?] werden ... [?] ganze [?] klein u. würde [?] Julius [Second handwritten note:] Liebe Mina, auch ich [?] Dich [?] und schicke Dir [?] einem auch [?] Weg die beiliegende [?] Grüsse Dich herzlich [?] der uns [?] nichts Besseres [?] zu erklären [?] M.b. [?] [Typed document at bottom:] Amerikanisches Konsulat der V.St.M. Abt. 79 Herrn u. Frau Julius u. [?] Elsa [?] Afganstrasse [?] München An der Sprechstunde auf Ihren am 3. Juli 19 40 [?] eingereichten Antrag [?] hier von Einwanderungsvisum dafür ist die Ausstellung [?] Ihres mündlichen [?] Ihres müssen das [?] erforderliches Papiere alle Antworten [?] der [?] Möglichkeit u. Ihre als etwas [?] der Konsulatsgebühren [?] hiermit mir [?] zu erscheinen. Von das bekanngegebnen Dokumenten wurden [?] zwei Kopie [?] eine Bestellung oder [?] von [?] und [?] Abstimmungsterminen mitteilen [?] wir [?] wir die Einreiseerlaubnis [?] gab Seite 19 [?] welches auch daraus [?] Konsulats der Reisen auswärtige lässt. Hochachtungsvoll Für den Generalkonsul [?] d. B. Gemein [?] Vizekonsul B. [?] der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika bei dem Konsulat

This is an exceptionally important document. It contains an official response from the American Consulate in Stuttgart regarding Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer's application for an immigration visa to the United States, filed on July 3, 1940. The U.S. Consulate in Stuttgart handled visa applications for the southern German region. By 1940, the visa process had become extremely difficult, with long waiting lists, extensive documentation requirements, and the need for affidavits of support from American relatives. This document represents part of the paper trail of the Oppenheimers' ultimately unsuccessful attempt to emigrate. Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer were later deported and murdered in the Holocaust.

Suitcase No. 4 Haas 26 Napkins/serviettes 9 Tablecloths 2 Table covers 8 Top sheets 5 Duvets/feather comforters 3 Nightgowns [?] 11 Shirts 4 [undergarments?] 6 Terry towels 3 Bed sheets 2 Men's socks (pairs) 11 Men's trousers/underpants 10 Ties/bows [?] 3 Undershirts/underjackets 12 pairs Stockings 12 Colored handkerchiefs 12 [items?] 12 Shirts [?] 4 Men's vests 3 Men's colored shirts 20 Collars [?] 6 large Eau de cologne 6 small ditto

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This packing list documents the contents of one suitcase (No. 4, labeled "Haas") among what appears to be a larger shipment of household goods being sent out of Germany. The meticulous inventory — down to individual napkins, handkerchiefs, and bottles of cologne — reflects the careful documentation required when shipping possessions out of Nazi Germany. Jewish emigrants were required to declare all items being exported and were often charged punitive "flight taxes" (Reichsfluchtsteuer) and forced liquidation fees. The "Haas" label may refer to the name of the shipping company or a family member. This list connects to the shipping discussed in image 0006, which references crates and suitcases being sent to America.

...and we only still [?]... to Mina and... the people... sent... send her the letter... desire/longing... credit/balance... in the cellar [?]... dispatch cards... receipts... among other things... hope for... Friedrich... outside of... Berlin... for the dear letter... will receive abroad—

... und wir nur noch [?] ... [?] zu [?] die Mina u. [?] und das [?] die Leute [?] sind [?] geschickt [?] schicken Ihr die [?] Brief [?] ihr [?] die Wiederum meisten [?] Verlangen [?] ... und nach [?] [?] Guthaben [?] möchte in Keller [?] ... in Absendungskarten [?] ... Scheine [?] und [?] unter andern [?] Hoffnung auf [?] und dass [?] ... in [?] von [?] Friedrichs [?] ausherhalb vom [?] Berlin [?] oder [?] andere ... und [?] für die lb. Brief [?] will [?] bekommen Ausland—

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Munich, July 30, 1940 Dear Mina and dear people! ... [The main letter discusses matters related to Erich, financial matters, mentions the park, professors, friends, and expresses concern about the war situation. Multiple family updates and references to friends and acquaintances.] Julius [Second note:] My dear Mina, dear nephew and nieces — your dear letter pleased me as always. [Glad to hear] that you are healthy and have good news from your loved ones. We are mostly well... From Munich... Margit... [please] give warmest greetings to all dear relatives and acquaintances. Sending intimate greetings and kisses. Your loving Elsa

München, den 30. Juli 19 40 Liebe Mina u. lb. Leute! Stellt Euch! [?] Park für Erich [?] [?] von [?] uns Hauptwaltgeld [?] [?] wieder von uns ist schon [?] und bleiben [?] ... 's aller Professor, ... [?] haben ganz [?] Karten u. Briefe leider [?] unserer Freunde und andere alle lieber euch [?] [?] und den Ehern unserer besten Brüder [?] alles die chemische [?] um den [?] Strauss und Fränkles Park wurde von Freundschaft bis im [?] ... es [?] mieten Zeit muss hofften, es wäre ein [?] Kameraden der selben Kriege bei alle lieben die Leute und [?] möchte [?] und mir der Kriese kommt Lieben bedauerlich die [?] und [?] ... [Second note:] Julius Meine liebe [?] Mina liebe Neffe und Nichten [?] lb. Brief freute u. mir wie immer [?] wie Euch. [?] oben oder Ib. endlich [?] Seite [?] Ihr gesund seid u. von Eurem lieben guten [?] Nachricht habt. Bitte mir sind [?] ganz [?] gesund in [?] hab [?] von Eurem, Semeron [?] Margit [?] v. [?] viele [?] Nachricht [?] Du, Mina es [?] [?] mehr [?] mögen [?] erfahren. Grüsst bitte herzlichst ebenso alle lb. Verwandten u. Bekannten. Briefe schicke innige Grüsse u. Küsse Eure Euch liebende Elsa

Written in the summer of 1940, after the fall of France and during the height of the Battle of Britain. The Munich Jews were increasingly isolated, with emigration routes closing rapidly. The letter reveals the family's efforts to maintain communication and stay informed about scattered relatives.

Munich, November 5, 1940. Dear Mina! Today [I am sending?] an enclosed small package... [expressing hopes and wishes] that everything will be good again in [coming] years... [News about family]... Your Thekla E. and J. [Elsa and Julius] [Second note:] Dear Mina, [Short update about health and family, mention of Red Cross communication] [Third note:] Dear Mina! Hopefully we will soon receive news from you... [Discussion about packages and supplies]... For today, warm greetings, Anna Volz [?]

München den 5. Nov. 1940. Liebe Mina! Heute [?] von einem einliegend [?] kleines Paket [?] nachgeschickt erhoffen [?] ich [?] Wünsche [?] wir alle wieder gut aber in [?] ein Jahren in Erfüllung gehen mögen. [?] nachher [?] auf lieben Brief [von?] [?] ... [?] in [?] Jahren [?] guten Bericht ... griisst alle [?] Verwandten [?] an ... und [?] noch [?] weiter [?] die Kinder [?] ist [?] der Mutter [?] alles gut [?] ... Deine Thekla E. u. J. [Elsa und Julius] [Second note:] Liebe Mina, [Short message — appears to discuss health and family news, mentions "Rote Kreuz" (Red Cross)] Deine Thekla [?] [Third note:] Liebe Mina! Hoffentlich bekommen wir bald [?] Nachricht von Dir [?] Ihr [?] leben Seite [?] dass in [?] Nachkür [?] fertig [?] sind [?] vorläufig [?] gebraucht [?] uns und hoffe [?] dass bald [das?] [?] ... damit ankommt. Für heute [?] herzliche Grüsse Anna Volz [?] [Fourth note at bottom:] [?] würde nicht vorgeschickt. [?] Kuvekal [?] [?] Grüsse [?] ... Seife abgegeben [?]

By November 1940, the Oppenheimers in Munich were living under severe Nazi restrictions. Communication with relatives abroad was increasingly limited to Red Cross messages. Multiple family members added short notes to letters, maximizing use of the limited postal opportunities. The letter contains wishes and hopes that the situation would improve.

Munich, January 14, [year] Dear Kriegs family! [New Year's greetings and wishes]... dear sister... children... and from mother... [discussing] birthday — [hoping that] the journey [will happen]... greetings... My dear ones, through your dear [letters] we always [hear] from you and are glad that you have settled in. But you are already a young lady — for it has been almost [several] good years since you left here. Mina is now no longer in New York but has been in Baltimore for several weeks. How are your dear wife [and] Mr. [?]. From my loved ones in Holland, we regularly receive news and they are, thank God, healthy... Please do let us hear from you sometime. All most warmly greeted by your Elsa. [Bottom note — address:] To Siegfried Kriege, Horace Harding Road 15, East [?] Plain, N.J.

München den 14. Jan. [?] Liebe Familie Kriegs! Hoffen und dürfen Neues Jahr's [?] Grüsse über liebe Schwester u. Hallo [?] Kinder [?] und von der Mutter [?] Last u. glauben [?] wurde [?] ein gewisse [?] der Normalene u. Geburtstag — und [?] ganz nur [?] die Reise wieder [?] auslassen! [?] ich [?] uns war, und nicht etwas die lieben u. [?] empfangen alle liebt. [?] Grüsse u. U. Meine lieben, über [?] lieben Seelen wir immer von Euch u. freuen uns, dass Du und [?] eingebehlt habt. Aber aber wir schon eine junge Dame — [?] denn es wird doch schon beinahe gute Jahre, dass Ihr von hier fort seid. Mina ist [?] ja nun nicht mehr in New York sondern seit einigen Wochen in Baltimore. Wie geht es Deinen lb. Frau [?] Herr [?]. Von meinen Lieben in Holland haben wir regelmässig Nachrichte sind u. sie ist Gottseidank gesund. [?] Dein [?] Kleiner auch die [?] u. [?] Habt bitte auch mal etwas von Euch hören für sie. Alle herzlichst gegrüsst von Eurem Elsa. [Bottom note:] An Siegfried Kriege, Horace Hardling [?] Road 15 East Plain, N.J. [?]

This letter to the Kriegs family (apparently also emigrated relatives, living in New Jersey) provides a snapshot of the scattered Oppenheimer family network. Elsa mentions that Mina has recently moved from New York to Baltimore, and notes that relatives in Holland are still well (the Netherlands had been occupied by Germany since May 1940). The mention of Holland is poignant, as Dutch Jews would soon face deportation to extermination camps beginning in mid-1942.

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United States of America, State of New York County of Kings, I, William Langerbein, being duly sworn, depose and say: That I reside with my wife Mrs. Ottilie Langerbein nee Mayer at 59 Rockaway Avenue, Brooklyn, New York. That I have resided in the United States for the past fifteen (15) years and that I am a citizen of the United States holding Certificate of Naturalization #.237,253 issued by the Southern District Court at New York on December 3, 1930. That I am a—37 years of age. That it is my intention and desire to have the following friends come and stay with my wife and me in the United States: Mr. Julius Israel Oppenheimer born in Gemmingen, Baden, Germany on May 5th, 1882 and his wife Mrs. Elsa Sarah Oppenheimer — born in Gemmingen, Baden, Germany on Febr. 14, 1894 both residing at Munich, Alfonsstr. 1 Germany. That both my wife and myself have known Mr. and Mrs. Julius Oppenheimer for over 30 years, since we lived formerly in Germany in very close contact with our friends. That both Mr. and Mrs. Oppen- heimer consider our friendship as a very close tie between us, even closer than any relationship might be; in proof of which, Mr. and Mrs. Oppenheimer have taken care of my wife's parents for a long time , acting for them as if they were their children instead of their friends parents. That I promise hereby to give Mr. and Mrs.Julius Oppen- heimer full board and lodging after their arrival in the United States, and to take care of all their expenses — needs; that I do not wish to enumerate everything I am going to do for them, since I feel my obli- gation as a friend very strongly; that being elderly people, I do not expect them to earn their own living, but that I entirely wish to support them. That I am in a position to guarantee that Mr. and Mrs. Julius Oppenheimer will never become a public charge, since I have nobody dependent on me— upon me for support, my wife being self — supporting. That I have a steady income of $36.40 with the Eagle Pencil Company, as proved by the enclosed statement. (Encl. 1) That I have a joint bank account with my wife at the Hamburg Savings —ank, showing a deposit of $3,172.24 (Encl.2)

This affidavit from William Langerbein of Brooklyn is one of the most detailed sponsorship documents in the collection. Langerbein, a naturalized U.S. citizen since 1930 (15 years in the country, age 37), provides key biographical data for both Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer: Julius born May 5, 1882, and Elsa born February 14, 1894, both in Gemmingen, Baden — confirming their birthplace and the 12-year age difference between them. Their Munich address at Alfonsstrasse 1 is consistent with the earlier documents. Langerbein's emotional language — that the friendship was "closer than any relationship" and that the Oppenheimers had "taken care of my wife's parents for a long time, acting for them as if they were their children" — reflects genuine personal obligation. His financial resources included employment at the Eagle Pencil Company ($36.40/week, roughly $40,000/year in today's money) and savings of $3,172.24 at the Hamburg Savings Bank. The document is dated February 1, 1941, over a year after the initial affidavits of November 1939, indicating that the visa process was still unresolved despite multiple sponsors and extensive documentation.

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That I also have a bank account with the Central Savings, showing a deposit of $1,027.47 (Encl.3). That I understand that the quota waiting number of the prospective immigrants has been reached and that I solicit therefore from the Hon. American Consul General in Stuttgart, Germany, a prompt granting of the United States quota immigration Visas William Langerbein Sworn to before me this 1st day of Febr, 1941 Ruth Weller United States of America, State of New York County of Kings I, Ottilie Langerbein nee Mayer, being duly sworn depose and say; that I join my husband William Langerbein in the promise he made herewith to receive and maintain Mr. and Mrs Julius Oppenheimer. That I wish to add that I am the owner of real estate, for which I enclose the proof (Encl. 4) That I wish to stress the fact that the prospective immigrants are my very best friends and that I long for the day of their arrival in the United States, to show them my gratitude for every- thing they did for my parents and to make their life a—happy in this country a really happy one Ottilie Langerbein nee Mayer Sworn to before me this 1st Day of February 1941

This continuation of the Langerbein affidavit contains two crucial elements. First, William Langerbein notes that the Oppenheimers' "quota waiting number has been reached" — meaning their number in the German immigration quota had finally come up after a long wait — and urgently requests prompt issuance of visas. This was a race against time: by February 1941, the window for emigration from Nazi-occupied Europe was rapidly closing. Second, Ottilie Langerbein (née Mayer) adds her own sworn statement, joining her husband's financial guarantee. Her emotional declaration — that she "longs for the day of their arrival" and wishes to "show them my gratitude for everything they did for my parents" — echoes the same sentiment of reciprocal obligation expressed by Samuel Morris (0003). The Oppenheimers had evidently been pillars of their community in Germany, helping multiple families who now, from America, were desperately trying to return the favor. Ottilie's ownership of real estate provided additional financial security for the affidavit. The notary, Ruth Weller, swore both statements on February 1, 1941, in Kings County (Brooklyn).

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Copy. New York, Febr. 4. 1941. Ame rican Consulat, Stuttgart, Germany. [Handwritten annotations: illegible] Honorable Consul: I, Mina Kaufmann, residing at 145 West 86 Str. new York herewith state, that I am willing and abl[e] [to gi]ve to my uncle and aunt, Julius Israel Oppenheimer and Elsa Oppenheimer, residing at 1 Alfonsstr. Muenchen Germany $5.— every week for their personal use. I also like to state, that after my mother, this uncle is my closest relative, since he brought me up, my father having been killed in the first world war. That I know, that Mr. Julius Oppenheimer is suffering from varicose veins, and Mrs. Oppenheimer from rheumatism. That never- theless I maintain my affidavit to its full extent, and that I wish to add that I am more anxious than ever that my uncle and aunt should join me in the United States. Mina Kaufmann Subscribed and sworn to before me, a notary Public in and before said County this 4th day of Febr. 1941 Irma Lotheim Notary Public

This is perhaps the most personal document in the entire collection. Mina Kaufmann — the central figure coordinating the rescue effort from New York — reveals her own family connection: Julius Oppenheimer is her uncle and closest living relative after her mother. She explains that Julius "brought me up" because her father was killed in the First World War. This biographical detail transforms our understanding of the entire correspondence: Mina's tireless efforts — coordinating multiple sponsors, depositing $1,015 at the bank, paying for affidavit filings, arranging luggage storage — were driven not just by family obligation but by a deep personal debt to the uncle who raised her after she was orphaned by war. Her promise of $5 per week (about $107/week today) for personal expenses supplemented the full board and lodging promised by the Langerbeins and Samuel Morris. Like Morris and Langerbein before her, she explicitly acknowledges the Oppenheimers' health conditions (varicose veins and rheumatism) and maintains her affidavit "nevertheless" — the same formula used to counter the consulate's potential objection to admitting immigrants with medical conditions. The document is dated February 4, 1941 — three days after the Langerbein affidavit — suggesting a coordinated blitz of paperwork aimed at finally securing the visas. Notarized by Irma Lotheim.

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[Reverse of carbon copy — text from front visible in mirror image] [Handwritten annotations at top, partially legible:] Zuversicht auch ct [?] S.V.100.S [?] [Handwritten text:] Good I know and above my [?] [partially legible]

This is the reverse of Mina Kaufmann's February 4, 1941 letter to the American Consulate (0025). The document appears to be a carbon copy, with the front text visible in reverse through the thin paper. A few handwritten annotations are visible but largely illegible — possibly filing notes or reference numbers added later. The document was preserved as part of the complete record of the Oppenheimer visa application.

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But that nevertheless, I Maintain herewith my solemn promise of giving them full board and lodging for an indefinite time. That I know that Mr. Julius Oppenheimer is suffering from varicose veins and Mrs. Oppenheimer from arthritis, that nevertheless, I maintain my affidavit to its full extent. That I trust that in consideration of these State- ments and my earnest wish to help my relatives they will be granted United States Immigration Visas without any delay. Bertha Katz Mrs. Bertha Katz nee Falk Sworn to before me and and subscribed before me, a Notary Public in and for said County, this this 10th.day of Febr.1941: Mary Meurich Notary Public. [Notary stamp:] MARY MEURICH NOTARY PUBLIC Kings Co. Clk's No. 88, Reg. No. 1097 New York Co. Clk's No. 139, Reg. No. 1M117 Commission expires March 30, 1941

The conclusion of Bertha Katz's affidavit follows the same pattern as the other sponsors: acknowledging Julius's varicose veins and Mrs. Oppenheimer's health condition (here described as "arthritis" rather than "rheumatism" as in other documents — likely the same condition described differently) and maintaining the affidavit "nevertheless." Her promise of "full board and lodging for an indefinite time" goes further than the other sponsors' time-limited commitments. The document was notarized on February 10, 1941, by Mary Meurich, a notary registered in both Kings County (Brooklyn) and New York County (Manhattan), whose commission was set to expire just weeks later on March 30, 1941. This affidavit was part of the coordinated February 1941 push — Langerbein on Feb 1, Mina Kaufmann on Feb 4, and Bertha Katz on Feb 10 — that finally produced the Stuttgart consulate's positive response in April 1941 (see 0029).

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Nr. 9831 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, } STATE OF NEW YORK, } ss.: COUNTY OF BRONX, [handwritten: New York] } I, Bertha Katz nee Falk, being duly sworn, depose and say; That I reside at 760 Grand Concourse, Bronx, N.Y., That I have resided in the United States for the last 32 years and that I am a citizen of the United Sta- tes through my first husband, Louis Bauer. Citizenshippapers were issued March 16, 1899 by the Supreme Court at New York. That it is my intention and desire to have the following relatives come and stay with me in the United States: Mr. Julius Israel Oppenheimer born in Gemmingen, Baden, Germany on May 5th, 1882 and his wife Mrs. Else Sarah Oppenheimer born in Gemmingen, Baden, Germany, on February 14, 1891, both residing at Munich, Alfonsstrasse 1, Germany. That I am a first cousin of Mr. Julius Oppenheimer, since my mother Karoline nee Kirchhausen and Mr. Julius Oppenheimer's mother, Mina Oppenheimer nee Kirchhausen, have been sisters. That I am 52 years of age and able to support the prospective immigrants, because nobody is dependent on me for support. That I sponsored the immigration of my brothers Karl and Ferdinand Falk who have become selfsupporting. That I am President of the Farrish Chop House Inc., located at 42 Johnstreet, New York City. That I submit proof for my ownership of Dollars 20,000.00 U.S. Government bonds, the interests of which amounting to Dollars 600= a year, constitute part of my income. That I understand that notwithstanding my most hospitable offers Mr. and Mrs. Oppenheimer want to stay with another friend of the family, Mr. Samuel Morris, but

This is the most genealogically significant document in the collection. Bertha Katz (née Falk) establishes her blood relationship to Julius Oppenheimer: her mother Karoline (née Kirchhausen) and Julius's mother Mina Oppenheimer (née Kirchhausen) were sisters — making Bertha and Julius first cousins. This confirms the Kirchhausen maiden name of Julius's mother and establishes a key maternal family connection. Bertha's own biography is remarkable: she came to America 32 years earlier (around 1909), gained citizenship through her first husband Louis Bauer in 1899, and by 1941 was President of the Farrish Chop House, Inc. at 42 John Street in lower Manhattan — a successful businesswoman owning $20,000 in U.S. Government bonds (about $430,000 today). She had previously sponsored her brothers Karl and Ferdinand Falk. Note that Elsa's birth year is given here as 1891, whereas the Langerbein affidavit (0021) gives 1894 — a discrepancy that may require further verification. The registration number 9831 matches the Stuttgart consulate's response letter (0029). The detail that the Oppenheimers preferred to stay with Samuel Morris rather than with Bertha adds a human dimension to the bureaucratic paperwork.

Form AC Rev. File No. 811.11 THE FOREIGN SERVICE of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA American Consulate Stuttgart, P.O. Box 949 4 APR 1941 Date of postmark To the holder of registration number 9831 for 2 persons You are hereby informed that the documents you submitted for review have been provisionally deemed sufficient, and that your case can be processed immediately, provided that quota numbers are still available, as soon as proof is furnished that you would be in a position to travel to the United States if a visa were issued to you. The ability to travel to the United States consists not only of being able to leave Germany, but also of having the possibility of obtaining ocean passage and reaching the port of embarkation. In view of the currently limited availability of ship passages, the deposit of a sufficient amount for your ocean passage cannot be regarded as final proof of the ability to travel to the United States. As soon as you have made firm travel arrangements, you should submit documentary proof thereof, so that you may receive a summons to appear at the Consulate for your visa application. THE AMERICAN CONSUL GENERAL O/1009

Form. AC Rev. File No. 811.11 THE FOREIGN SERVICE of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Amerikanisches Konsulat Stuttgart, Postfach 949 4 APR 1941 Datum des Poststempels An den Inhaber der Registrierungsnummer 9831 für 2 Personen Hierdurch wird Ihnen mitgeteilt, daß die von Ihnen zur Prüfung eingesandten Dokumente vorbehaltlich als genügend erachtet worden sind und daß Ihre An- gelegenheit sofort berücksichtigt werden kann, vorausgesetzt, daß noch Quoten- nummern zur Verfügung stehen, sobald der Nachweis vorliegt, daß Sie in der Lage wären, nach den Vereinigten Staaten zu reisen, falls Ihnen ein Visum aus- gestellt würde. Die Möglichkeit, nach den Vereinigten Staaten zu reisen, besteht nicht nur darin, daß Sie in der Lage sind, Deutschland zu verlassen, sondern auch, daß Sie die Möglichkeit haben, Ozeanpassage zu erhalten und den Einschiffungs- hafen zu erreichen. In Anbetracht der zurzeit nur in beschränktem Maße erhält- lichen Schiffspassagen kann die Hinterlegung eines genügenden Betrages für Ihre Ozeanpassage nicht als endgültiger Beweis für die Möglichkeit der Reise nach den Vereinigten Staaten angesehen werden. Sobald Sie feste Reisevorbereitungen getroffen haben, sollten Sie dokumen- tarischen Nachweis darüber vorlegen, damit Sie eine Vorladung erhalten können, um zur Visumantragstellung beim Konsulat zu erscheinen. DER AMERIKANISCHE GENERALKONSUL O/1009

This is the pivotal document in the entire collection — the American Consulate's response to over a year of accumulated affidavits and sponsorship documentation. Dated April 4, 1941, the Stuttgart consulate acknowledges that the Oppenheimers' paperwork has been "provisionally deemed sufficient" (registration 9831 for 2 persons) — a hard-won victory after affidavits from Samuel Morris, Mina Kaufmann, William and Ottilie Langerbein, and Bertha Katz. However, the letter immediately imposes a devastating new condition: the Oppenheimers must prove they can actually travel to the United States. The consulate explicitly notes that this means not just leaving Germany, but obtaining ocean passage and reaching the port of embarkation — an increasingly impossible requirement by April 1941. With the Netherlands, Belgium, and France under German occupation, traditional embarkation ports were closed. The consulate further states that merely depositing money for passage is not sufficient — firm travel arrangements must be documented. This Catch-22 — visas granted only upon proof of travel arrangements that required visas to obtain — was a bureaucratic trap that ensnared thousands of would-be refugees. By mid-1941, the U.S. State Department under Breckinridge Long was actively using such procedural barriers to restrict Jewish immigration. Whether Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer were ultimately able to satisfy this final condition and escape is the central question left unresolved by this document.

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[Top left corner, handwritten:] 684 — 3394 [Watermarks throughout the page reading "Igestat" — a German paper manufacturer's mark] [Otherwise blank]

The reverse of the Stuttgart consulate letter (0029) is essentially blank except for a handwritten filing notation "684 — 3394" in the top left corner, likely an internal reference number used by either the consulate or the Oppenheimers' file. The "Igestat" watermarks throughout the paper identify it as a product of a German paper manufacturer, consistent with official German-era stationery used by the American consulate in Stuttgart.

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[Postal transit marks:] [Circular postmark:] NEW YORK, N.Y. / NOV 7 / A P.M. / 1941 / G.P.O. [Circular postmark, partially visible:] BALTIMORE [MD] / NOV 8 [?] / 12:30 M / 1941 / REC'D

The reverse of the Zaro Tours envelope shows the postal transit route: dispatched from the New York General Post Office on the afternoon of November 7, 1941, and received in Baltimore on November 8, 1941, at approximately 12:30 PM — overnight delivery consistent with Special Delivery service between New York and Baltimore. The Baltimore destination confirms that Mina Kaufmann had relocated from New York City to Baltimore (c/o Engel, 4006 Norfolk Avenue), as indicated in the Zaro Tours letter (0035). Her move from New York may reflect a change in personal circumstances — she had lived at 145 West 86th Street for years before this.

[From Stuttgart:] To: FRED OPPENHEIMER 804 W. 180 [Street], NEW YORK TRANSFER FOR PASSAGE [of] JULIUS [and] ELSE OPPENHEIM[ER] 300 DOLLARS TO BANCO LISBOA E ACORES LISBON [at] OUR DISPOSAL TRAVEL AGENCY VOCK

[WESTERN UNION CABLEGRAM header] R. B. WHITE, PRESIDENT NEWCOMB CARLTON, CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD J. C. WILLEVER, FIRST VICE-PRESIDENT Received at 40 Broad Street (Central Cable Office), New York, N.Y. ALWAYS OPEN PCR/BF PR6890 STUTTGART 25 31 NLT RP$2.07 FRED OPPENHEIMER [crossed out: RJ] 804W 180 NEWYORK TRANSFERIERET FUER PASSAGE JULIUS ELSE OPPENHEIM 300 DOLLAR AN BANCO LISBOA E ACORES LISBON UNSERE VERFUEGUNG REISEBUERO VOCK THE QUICKEST, SUREST AND SAFEST WAY TO SEND MONEY IS BY TELEGRAPH OR CABLE

This cablegram reveals a parallel escape route being pursued simultaneously with the Cuba visa attempt: passage through Lisbon, Portugal — the last remaining neutral port in Western Europe. Reisebüro Vock, a Stuttgart travel agency, cabled Fred Oppenheimer at 804 West 180th Street in New York (the Washington Heights neighborhood, another center of German-Jewish refugee settlement) requesting that $300 be transferred to the Banco Lisboa e Açores in Lisbon to cover passage for Julius and Elsa. This is the same $300 referenced in Julius and Elsa's own telegram (0036). The involvement of Fred Oppenheimer — likely a relative (possibly Julius's nephew or cousin) living in Washington Heights — adds another member to the rescue network. The Lisbon route was the primary escape corridor for refugees in late 1941: Jews who could obtain transit visas through Spain and Portugal could potentially embark from Lisbon for the Americas. The Banco Lisboa e Açores was commonly used as a financial intermediary for refugee passage deposits. The Tausig Service Corporation (which had filed the original 1939 affidavits — see 0001) also became involved, querying Reisebüro Vock for details (see 0040).

Airmail envelope front. Addressed to: Dr. Mina Kaufmann 622 West [?] 43 St. [crossed out] c/o Heller [?] 4006 Norfolk Ave. Baltimore, Maryland U.S.A. [crossed out and rewritten as "New York" then corrected back] Stamps: Two Deutsches Reich postage stamps — a green Hindenburg stamp and a dark red/brown Hindenburg stamp. "MIT LUFTPOST / PAR AVION / BY AIR MAIL" label at lower left. The address appears to have been corrected multiple times, with "New York" crossed out and redirected to Baltimore.

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Envelope back (reverse side). Return address partially visible: [Elsa Sara?] Oppenheimer, München Ainmillerstr. [?] German censorship stamp: "Geöffnet" (Opened) with Nazi eagle and swastika seal — indicating the letter was opened and inspected by German censors before leaving the country.

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Airmail envelope front. Addressed to: Dr. Mina Kaufmann c/o Engel 664 [?] Norfolk [?] Ave [crossed out/corrected] 4006 Norfolk Ave. Baltimore, Maryland Stamps: Two Deutsches Reich postage stamps (Hindenburg portraits — purple/violet and brown). "MIT LUFTPOST / PAR AVION / BY AIR MAIL" label at lower left. Address has been corrected, with some portions crossed out with diagonal red lines.

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Envelope back (reverse side). Return address: Elsa Sara Oppenheimer, München Ainstr. 19/II [i.e., Ainmillerstrasse 19, 2nd floor] Censorship markings: Red circular stamp with Nazi eagle — "Geöffnet" (Opened) indicating German censorship. Additional U.S. postal markings visible: "BRONX CENTRAL ANNEX" circular postmark, suggesting the letter was routed through the Bronx post office in New York before forwarding to Baltimore.

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Munich, September 7, 1941 Dear Mina and dear people! Greatest thanks for your dear [letter and package?]... [The letter discusses family news, mentions various relatives including Aunt Frieda, references to Christmas, and various personal updates. The writer (Julius) provides family news and greetings.] Julius [Second note — likely from Elsa or another family member, providing additional greetings and updates]

München den 7. Sept. [19]41 lb. Mina u. lb. Leute [?] [First section:] Grössten Dank für Euer liebes [?] u. P. [?] ... und Vergnügen Kriege u. Kalte [?] und liegt und höfisch [?] ... [?] wir letzten [?] Weihnachten [?] als das [?] den ... [Multiple paragraphs in Kurrent, largely illegible — discusses family members, mentions of "Tante Frieda," financial matters, and various relatives] Julius [Second section — different hand:] Meine liebe [?] Dein [?] Brief und [?] Ihren [?] ...

By September 1941, Jews in Munich were living under increasingly severe restrictions. The yellow star requirement (Judenstern) was implemented on September 19, 1941, just days after this letter was written. Communication with relatives in America was becoming nearly impossible. The systematic deportations from Munich would begin in November 1941.

Munich, September 15, 1941 Dear Mina and dear [family], [The letter discusses receiving correspondence on Saturdays, references to ongoing matters with various relatives, mentions Bella, emigration efforts, Holland, and Karl. The writer updates Mina on family news and the increasingly difficult situation.]

Dr. Mina Kaufmann [?] Abt. [?] Brief; [?] München 15 Sept. 1941 [?] [?] Liebe Mina u. lb. [?] Es köpfen [?] uns liebe Samstäglich kam also [?] [?] Briefe manches [?] allerdings [?] manns noch fragen es [?] die lieber es [?] hat nur [?] nicht Alles gehennen [?] und noch Adern [?] mir wieder andere Verwandter [?] u. als stellt [?] auch und diese grosse Bitte alle [?] zusammen welches bei der [?] des 1.V. [?] [Auswanderung?] [?] das Gebiet an Bella in [?] die im [?] wurde [?] und Alberts [?] seid kommen also [?] dazu [?] Gescheiten [?] ... [Multiple paragraphs continuing in Kurrent — mentions Betty, Holland, emigration, Karl]

Written just four days before the mandatory wearing of the Yellow Star was enforced (September 19, 1941), this letter reflects the last weeks before the most visible marker of persecution was imposed on German Jews. The references to emigration at this late date show that some still held out hope, even as exit routes had largely closed.

Munich, September 20, 1941 Dear Mina! ... [Letter discusses packages, luggage, help received, mentions various family members. References to limited freedoms and family concerns.] [Second note:] Dear Mina, [sending greetings, requesting a quick reply via card or any news] [Closing:] Most warmly greeted and kissed by your loving Elsa.

München den 20. Sept. [19]41 Liebe Mina! [?] u. lb. Kinder [?] Kaffe [?] und lieber Frmilie [?] und Bekommen [?] von [?] und dass [?] wir [?] und Darling [?] keine [?] Gepäck [?] bekommen u. versenden es mit dem Zug der Dosen [?] Pferdling Annelies waren u. 2 Sept. [?] den Hilfe geht gut [?] Durften [?] Abend [?] als lange als etwas [?] Mur [?] wäre man Briefe [?] noch Freiheit diese [?] lieben Familien [?] der [?] und alles Hannel und die Widerstand [?] leider [?] und [?] ... [Second section:] Liebe Mina, [?] Dir Grüsst, sein mir sehr geehrte, ist bedanken sich baldmögl. [?] Karte oder [?] Nachrichten [?] [Third section — signed by Elsa:] herzlichst gegrüsst u. geküsst von Euren Euch liebenden Elsa.

This letter was written on September 20, 1941, the very day after the Polizeiverordnung (police ordinance) requiring all Jews over the age of six to wear a Yellow Star (Judenstern) went into effect across the Reich. This regulation, which came into force on September 19, 1941, marked a dramatic escalation in the visible persecution of Jews. The letter makes no direct reference to this — likely due to censorship — but the timing is significant.

[First section:] Munich, October 11, 1941 Dear Mr. and Mrs. Langstein! Through dear Mina, we learned of the untimely passing of your dear brother and beloved [relative], and we express our most heartfelt condolences. At the same time, we have been informed and have arranged through Mr. Herre to have [prayers] read for the deceased. We hope that you have somewhat recovered from your grief. At the same time, I thank you for your help toward me... for the good that you and dear Mina [have done]... a package was sent and received... Julius Oppenheimer [Second section:] Dear Langstein family, I too would like to express my sincere condolences on the untimely passing of your dear brother and brother-in-law. Through Mina here we hear from you and are glad that you are healthy. She is very content in her new profession. As we hear from Karl here, your dear mother and Karl and family are also healthy. And from me once again many heartfelt thanks for everything. With warm greetings, yours, Elsa Oppenheimer

[First section:] München den 11. Okt. 1941 Sehr geehrter Herr u. Frau Langstein! Durch die liebe Mina liessen mir von dem allzufrühen Ableben Ihres lb. Bruders u. lieben Landes u. sprechen Ihnen unsere herzlichste Beileid aus. Gleichzeitig sind wir hiervor verständigt und lassen wir durch Herrn Herre für den Verstorbenen lesen. Wir hoffen, dass Sie viel von Ihrem Aufzügernen etwas erholt haben. Gleichzeitig danke ich Ihnen für [?] Ihre Hilfe mich gegenüber [?] für das Gute, das Sie lb. Mina u. [?] Seide [?] doch ist das bringt [?] Paket [?] gesand u. empfangen [?] Grüsst [?] Julius Oppenheimer [Second section:] Sehr geehrte Familie Langstein, auch ich möchte Ihnen zu dem allzufrühen Ableben Ihres lb. Bruders u. Schwagers meine aufrichtige Beilnahme aussprechen. Über Mina hier können wir von Ihnen u. freuen uns, dass Sie gesund sind. Sie ist in ihrem neuen Beruf [?] sehr zufrieden. Wie mir von Karl hier, ist Ihre lb. Mutter u. auch Karl mit Familie gesund. Und von mir nochmals vielen herzlichen Dank für alles Eins. Liebe Grüsse Ihre Elsa Oppenheimer

This condolence letter from Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer to the Langstein family, written just weeks before the mass deportations began, reveals the family's continued adherence to social customs and human kindness even under extreme persecution. The mention of Mina's "new profession" (neuer Beruf) may indicate she had found work in America. Karl appears to be a family member still in the Munich area. Julius and Elsa write from Ainmillerstrasse 19/II in Munich, where they were confined.

[From Munich, October 25:] To: DOKTOR KAUFMANN 622 WEST 141 STREET APT 3D, NEW YORK CITY VOCK OFFER SEVENTH AUGUST REACHABLE IF YOU AGREE DEPOSIT HALF PASSAGE THREE HUNDRED DOLLARS ELSE [AND] JULIUS

[WESTERN UNION header] R. B. WHITE, PRESIDENT NEWCOMB CARLTON, CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD J. C. WILLEVER, FIRST VICE-PRESIDENT The filing time shown in the date line on telegrams and day letters is STANDARD TIME at point of origin. Time of receipt is STANDARD TIME at point of destination. D36CC 4A VIA RCA CD MUENCHEN 25 10 NLT RP$3.87 DOKTOR KAUFMANN [handwritten: AW] 622 WEST 141 STREET APT 3D NEWYORKCITY VOCKANGEBOT SIEBTER AUGUST ERREICHBAR WENN DU EINVERSTANDEN EINZAHLET HALBE PASSAGE DREIHUNDERT DOLLARS ELSE JULIUS THE COMPANY WILL APPRECIATE SUGGESTIONS FROM ITS PATRONS CONCERNING ITS SERVICE

This telegram — one of the very few direct communications from Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer themselves in the entire collection — was sent from Munich, likely on October 25, 1941 (based on the routing code "MUENCHEN 25 10"). Julius and Elsa inform Mina ("Doktor Kaufmann") that a travel offer from Reisebüro Vock (a Stuttgart travel agency — see 0037 and 0040) is available, with a departure date reachable by August 7th [likely a reference to a ship sailing]. They ask Mina to deposit $300 — half the passage fare — if she agrees. The telegram was sent to Mina's new address at 622 West 141st Street, Apt. 3D, New York City (c/o Heller, as per the Zaro Tours documents). The fact that Julius and Elsa could still send international telegrams from Munich in late October 1941 indicates they had not yet been deported, but the window was closing rapidly. Deportations of Munich Jews to Kaunas (Lithuania) and Riga (Latvia) began on November 20, 1941. The telegram is signed "ELSE JULIUS" — Elsa's name first — suggesting she may have been the one managing the practical arrangements from the Munich end.

[Cable from Zaro Tours Basel to Zaro Tours New York:] URGENTLY ARRANGE CUBA VISAS [for] ISAAK OPPENHEIMER BORN GEMMINGEN 5/5/82 [and] ELSA OPPENHEIMER [born] GEMMINGEN 14/2/94 RESIDENT [of] MUNICH GERMAN NATIONALITY STOP COLLECT 415 DOLLARS INCLUDING PREVIOUS EXTRA EXPENSES AS WELL AS 650 DOLLARS DEPOSIT AS WELL AS BANK FEE 41.30 DOLLARS FROM DEPOSITOR MINA KAUFMANN 622 WEST 141 STREET APARTMENT 3D C/O HELLER ZAROHC [Zaro Tours]

[RCA RADIOGRAM header — R.C.A. COMMUNICATIONS, INC.] [A RADIO CORPORATION OF AMERICA SERVICE] [TO ALL THE WORLD — BETWEEN IMPORTANT U.S. CITIES — TO SHIPS AT SEA] Send the following Radiogram "Via RCA" subject to terms on back hereof, which are hereby agreed to HBELZ SZ1257 November 7, 1941 BASEL 131/120 6 1855 PAHE 1/50 NLT ZAROHC NEWYORK EILBESORGET CUBAVISEN ISAAK OPPENHEIMER GEBOREN GEMMINGEN 5/5/82 ELSA OPPENHEIMER GEMMINGEN 14/2/94 WOHNHAFT MUENCHEN DEUTSCHE STAATSANGEHOERIGKEIT STOP EINZIEHET 415 DOLLAR INCLUSIVE BISHERIGE EXTRASPESEN SOWIE 650 DOLLAR DEPOT SOWIE BANKGEBUEHR 41.30 DOLLARS VON EINZAHLER MINA KAUFMANN 622 WEST 141 STREET APARTMENT 3D C/O HELLER ZAROHC Main Office: 66 Broad Street, New York, N.Y. (Always Open) Phone: HAnover 2-1811 FULL-RATE MESSAGE UNLESS MARKED OTHERWISE Sender's Name and Address (Not to be transmitted) Form 100-38-TA-0840

This radiogram marks a dramatic shift in the rescue strategy. By November 1941, with direct U.S. immigration still blocked by the Stuttgart consulate's travel-proof requirement (see 0029), the plan pivoted to obtaining Cuba visas — a last-resort escape route. The cable was sent from Zaro Tours' Basel, Switzerland branch to their New York office (cable address ZAROHC), urgently requesting Cuba visas for "Isaak" (Julius Israel) Oppenheimer and Elsa Oppenheimer. The financial breakdown totals $1,106.30: $415 for costs and expenses, $650 for a deposit, and $41.30 in bank fees, all to be collected from Mina Kaufmann — now residing at 622 West 141st Street, Apt. 3D, c/o Heller (she had moved from her longtime 145 West 86th Street address). The use of "Isaak" instead of "Julius" likely reflects the forced adoption of the middle name "Israel" imposed on Jewish men by the Nazi regime's August 1938 decree. The date — November 7, 1941, exactly one month before Pearl Harbor (December 7, 1941) and the subsequent U.S. declaration of war on Germany — places this cable in the final weeks when any transatlantic rescue was theoretically possible. Cuba had been an alternate refuge for Jewish refugees since the famous St. Louis voyage of 1939, though by late 1941, Cuba's own immigration restrictions had tightened considerably.

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CONDITIONS OF ACCEPTANCE OF RADIOGRAMS [Standard printed terms and conditions of R.C.A. Communications, Inc., covering:] - Filing procedures at RCA offices, Western Union Telegraph Company offices - Additional charges for CDE and CDR URGENT messages - Liability limitations (not exceeding $500 for any single message) - Classes of service: Foreign (Full-Rate, Deferred, Urgent Rate, CDE Rates, Radioletter) and Domestic (Full-Rate, Day Letters) - Delivery terms and schedules - Night Messages and Night Letters availability R.C.A. COMMUNICATIONS, INC. 66 Broad Street, New York, N.Y. DAVID SARNOFF, President. "No employee of the Company is authorized to vary the foregoing conditions."

Standard reverse of an RCA Communications radiogram form, listing terms and conditions under the presidency of David Sarnoff — himself a Jewish immigrant from Belarus who rose to lead RCA and later NBC. The irony of a major American communications company led by a Jewish immigrant being used to transmit desperate visa requests for Jewish refugees trapped in Nazi Europe was characteristic of the era.

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[Return address, printed:] ZARO TOURS, Authorized Steamship and Railroad Ticket Agency 152 W. 42nd STREET Knickerbocker Bldg. NEW YORK, N. Y. RETURN POSTAGE GUARANTEED [Rubber stamp across center:] SPECIAL DELIVERY [Handwritten:] 2/69 [?] [Postmark:] NEW YORK, N.Y. / NOV 7 / 6 PM / 1941 / GRAND CENTRAL [10-cent Special Delivery stamp — motorcycle courier design] [3-cent "For Defense" stamp — Statue of Liberty / "Security Education Conservation Health"] [Window envelope — recipient address visible through window]

This Special Delivery envelope from Zaro Tours — an authorized steamship and railroad ticket agency at 152 West 42nd Street in the Knickerbocker Building, Manhattan — carried the urgent Cuba visa proposal to Mina Kaufmann. The Special Delivery service (requiring a 10-cent stamp in addition to regular postage) guaranteed same-day delivery by messenger, reflecting the extreme urgency of the matter. The envelope was posted at 6 PM on November 7, 1941, from the Grand Central Station post office. The 3-cent "For Defense" stamp depicting the Statue of Liberty — symbol of American liberty and refuge — carries a bitter irony given the contents of the letter inside: a last-ditch attempt to route Jewish refugees through Cuba because direct entry to the United States had been effectively blocked.

Telephone Wisconsin 7-2800 Cable Address: ZAROHC SPECIAL DELIVERY / AIR MAIL ZARO TOURS AUTHORIZED TRAVEL AGENCY 152 West 42nd Street • New York City November 7, 1941 Miss Mina Kaufmann c/o Engel 4006 Norfolk Ave. Baltimore, Md. Dear Miss Kaufmann, Today we received from our Basel branch the cable enclosed in copy. Immediately upon receipt we sent a telegram to the address given in New York City, but have just learned from Mrs. Heller that you have moved your residence to Baltimore. As you can see from the cable, you are to arrange entry to Cuba for your relatives by the quickest route. For this you will need — as already mentioned — for costs $ 830— " deposits 1300— " bank fee for opening the deposits 41.30 total: $ 2,171.30 Of this amount, the $1,300 will be refunded after leaving Cuba. We are enclosing a questionnaire, which we ask you to fill out and return to us in the enclosed reply envelope. Immediately upon receipt of this questionnaire and your check in the above amount drawn on a New York bank, we will apply for the Cuba visas, which will be issued in approximately 12–14 days through the Cuban Legation in Berlin. As you can see from the cable, the matter is very urgent. Since you yourself know what is currently happening in Germany, we would advise you to send the check immediately. Please send us your immediate reply in any case, as we must cable back to Basel regarding your decision. Respectfully, ZARO TOURS [Signature] encl.

Telephone Wisconsin 7-2800 Cable Address: ZAROHC SPECIAL DELIVERY / AIR MAIL [40th Anniversary logo: 1899-1939] ZARO TOURS AUTHORIZED TRAVEL AGENCY 152 West 42nd Street • New York City November 7, 1941 Miss Mina Kaufmann c/o. Engel 4006 Norfolk Ave. Baltimore, Md. Sehr geehrtes Frl. Kaufmann, Wir empfingen heute von unserer Filiale in Basel das in Copie beigefuegte Cabel. Wir hatten Ihnen sofort nach Erhalt ein Telegramm an die genannte Adresse nach New York City gesandt, erfahren aber soeben von Frau Heller, dass Sie Ihren Wohnsitz nach Baltimore verlegt haben. Wie Sie aus dem Kabel ersehen, sollen Sie fuer Ihre Angehoerigen die Einreise nach Cuba auf schnellstem Wege besorgen. Hierzu benoetigen Sie — wie bereits erwaehnt — fuer Kosten $ 830— " Depots 1300— " Bankgebuehr fuer Eroeffnen der Depots 41.30 zusammen: $ 2171.30 Von diesem Betrag werden die $1300— nach Verlassen Cuba's zurueckverguetet. Wir lassen Ihnen anliegend einen Fragebogen zugehen, welchen Sie uns bitte ausgefuellt in beigefuegtem Antwort-Umschlag zuruecksenden wollen. Sofort nach Erhalt dieses Fragebogens und Ihres Checks in obiger Hoehe auf eine New Yorker Bank werden wir die Cuba-Visen beantragen, welche in etwa 12 — 14 Tagen durch die Cuba-Legation in Berlin erteilt werden. Wie Sie aus dem Kabel ersehen, ist die Angelegenheit sehr eilig. Da Sie wohl selbst wissen, was augenblicklich in Deutschland vorgeht, wuerden wir Ihnen raten, den Check sofort einzusenden. Bitte lassen Sie uns auf alle Faelle Ihre sofortige Antwort zugehen, da wir nach Basel zuruecktelegrafieren muessen, wie Sie sich entschieden haben. Hochachtungsvoll eh. ZARO TOURS encl. [Signature]

This letter represents the final, desperate attempt to rescue Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer. Zaro Tours — a well-known New York travel agency that specialized in helping refugees (founded 1899, celebrating its 40th anniversary on the letterhead) — relayed the urgent cable from their Basel, Switzerland branch. The plan was to obtain Cuban entry visas through the Cuban Legation in Berlin within 12-14 days, at a total cost of $2,171.30 (approximately $46,000 today). The $1,300 deposit was refundable upon leaving Cuba — a standard requirement to guarantee that refugees would not become permanent charges on the Cuban state. The chilling line "Since you yourself know what is currently happening in Germany" alludes to the escalating persecution without explicitly naming it — by November 1941, mass deportations of German Jews to eastern ghettos and killing sites had already begun. Mina Kaufmann had moved to Baltimore (c/o Engel, 4006 Norfolk Avenue), and the scramble to reach her — first a telegram to New York, then learning from Mrs. Heller about the move, then Special Delivery to Baltimore — underscores the frantic pace. The Cuba route via the Cuban Legation in Berlin was one of the last remaining escape paths, but it required an agonizing sequence: payment from New York to Zaro Tours, application through Berlin, visa issuance, and then actual departure from Germany — all within a rapidly closing window. The United States would enter the war exactly one month later.

NLT [Night Letter] Travel Agency Vock Stuttgart Re: Julius [and] Else Oppenheimer, please cable ship name, departure date, line, and whether the 300 dollars are refundable here in case of non-travel. Cable address Oceanwave New York Travel Agency Tausig

NLT. Reiseburo Vock Stuttgart Betrifft Julius Else Oppenheimer bitte drahtet Schiffsname Abfahrtsda- tum Linie und ob 300 Dollar bei Nichtreise hierher rueckzahlbar. Kabeladresse Oceanwave New York Reiseburo Tausig

This cable draft is the final document in the Julius and Elsa folder, and it captures the meticulous caution of the rescue network even in extremis. Reisebüro Tausig in New York (the same Tausig Service Corporation that filed the original 1939 affidavits — see 0001, connecting the first and last documents in the collection) writes to Reisebüro Vock in Stuttgart requesting concrete details about the proposed passage: ship name, departure date, shipping line, and — critically — whether the $300 deposit is refundable if the trip does not take place. This last question reveals an awareness that the escape might fail. The cable address "Oceanwave" for Tausig's New York office and "NLT" (Night Letter, a cheaper overnight cable rate) suggest this was a follow-up to the urgent Reisebüro Vock cable (0037) and Julius and Elsa's own telegram (0036). Together, documents 0036-0040 trace the final, parallel escape attempts in late 1941: the Cuba visa route via Zaro Tours and the Lisbon passage route via Reisebüro Vock, both racing against the clock as the last avenues for Jewish emigration from Germany were closing. Whether either attempt succeeded — or whether Julius and Elsa Oppenheimer were among the Munich Jews deported beginning November 20, 1941 — is the devastating question that this correspondence leaves unresolved.

Munich, November 20, 1941 Dear Mina and [family]! ... [The letter discusses various family matters, mentions America, makes references to relatives including Margit, Betty, and others. Contains ongoing discussion of emigration ("Auswanderung"). Asks Mina to greet all relatives in Baltimore. The tone is increasingly urgent.]

München den 20. Nov. 1941 Liebe Mina u. Leute [?]. In [?] den [?] erinnern [?] ja, die wie [?] Amerikaner menschenlos wunderbares machten wie es längst wollte aus und Lieben [?] nach [?] ihr [?] unsere Mannen [?] Stolz und [?] Gefühliges [?] ... Seite um ein Lieben dorthin [?] aber ganz Los und Lieder u. Herren [?] dass [?] Alles ebenfalls Altes Kalles wechsler erleben. [?] nochmals wir wollen Besuchen. Es Kommunen in habe [?] [?] [?] [?]. Für Freuen Schein Verleiher das Band Reise [?] und [?] und bekam [?] wird u. verschwand [?]. [?] ist [?] gesandt dass [?] [?] uns [?] ... [?] ... Alle [?] und ... Margit die [?] Hammer u. Freden [?] und Ib. [?] Treiben [?]... komme [?] meines [?] Stuken [?] in [?] auf [?] gern [?] frei 10 [?] Hilfe. Von Allein [?] Klose [?] in Betty [?] kamen in [?] bin ich wollte [?] keine Antwort [?] u. [?] ist so schon ein Alter [?] Mina, Dr. [?] oder Ernst D. [?]. Von immer nach Briefe mit der Auswanderung. Grüsst bitte Alle [?] herzl. Seiten... noch [?] trefflich [?] und in Baltimore. G. Mina, hat [?] sie alles gebrochen. Von Welt [?] u. bitte [?] gesagt [?] gefunden u. [?] an [?] Konfidentstellen [?] alle [?] Verwandten viele [?] Grüsse. —

Written on November 20, 1941, this is one of the very last letters that could have been sent from Munich to America. The first mass deportation from Munich took place on November 20, 1941 — the very date of this letter — when approximately 1,000 Jews were deported to Kaunas (Kovno), Lithuania, where most were murdered upon arrival on November 25, 1941. Whether Julius and Elsa were on this transport or a later one requires further research. The United States declared war on Germany on December 11, 1941, ending all direct postal communication. This letter may represent one of the Oppenheimers' final communications with their American relatives.

Munich, December 21, 1941 [Sender identification:] Frida Sara Oppenheimer, Munich 5 Dear Mina! [The letter appears to be from Frida (Sara) Oppenheimer, not directly from Julius and Elsa, though filed with their correspondence.] ...I always hear from Aunt Frieda that you are doing well, and I am glad... I hope you will soon have the joy... I wish it for you with all my heart... that you unfortunately [had to] find yourself in a new homeland, but at least you do not need to worry about... For me it was unfortunately no longer possible... the community... I should [report] some news... I have long since realized that good thoughts and good feelings would be wasted on an unworthy person. Dear Mina, fate has, I believe, taken quite good care of me. I met a man through the Wanderbund [hiking association]... [Discussion of personal relationship]... You yourself don't yet know exactly when further [news]... but I think soon...

München, 21. Dez. 1941 [?] Frida Sara Oppenheimer München 5 [?] [Text written upside-down and in margins, partially legible:] ... [?] von allem Guten [?] schöne Nachricht ... Liebe lb. Mina! — hab [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] dass aus der [?] ... Für alle Grüsse u. Tante Frieda höre ich immer wie es Dir gut geh! u. freue mich, wenn es Euch die Mutter [?] ... Hoffnung [?] hat gelangt es Dir bald Freude in halten [?] Dir zu halten ich wünsche es Dir von ganzen Herzen die gleiche [?] Mina, dass Du leider [?] euch geforschen hat in einen neuen Heimat, so brauchst Du doch wenigstens keine Abhilge für Deine Leuter [?] sein. Du mir war es mir leider nicht mehr möglich, dass die Unvorständlichkeit von Deine u. kann ich [?] mit der Gemeinschaft muss mir einmal [?] Nachrichten. Alle eventuellen [?] allerdings bin ich längst [?] da [?] eingesehen habe, dass gleich gute Gedanke u. jedes gute Gefühl an einem Unwürdigen gegeben würde. Liebe Mina, das Schicksal hat es [?] glaube ich, [?] war ganz gut mit mir gesorgt, ich habe am Wanderbund eine einen Mann kennen gelernt, dass es wirklich [?] was man alles hat [?]. Du mir selbst, wissen aller dings wird nicht genau, wann Dir weiteres, aber ich denke bald, wie ich gleichwohl [?], [?] gebraucht ge funden [?] halten, der so mir gross, damit Du dies [?] Menschen. [?] ist viel Rapt. [?] zu hören sehr viel, die Frau in der ganzen Welt u. nicht gut [?]. [?] ich nehme alle [?] [?] es geht [?] mit brauen u. [?]

This letter, dated December 21, 1941, was written just weeks after the United States entered WWII (December 7-11, 1941) and during the month when the first mass deportations from Munich began. The use of the mandatory middle name "Sara" (required for Jewish women since 1939) identifies the writer as Jewish. The letter appears to be from Frida Sara Oppenheimer, discussing personal matters including a new relationship. By this date, direct mail between Germany and the USA had effectively ceased due to the declaration of war. This may be among the last letters to reach America from this branch of the family.

Munich, March 27, 1942. My dear ones, please excuse me for making you wait so long this time before I confirm the beautiful package, which already arrived safely in our possession on Tuesday. We were, as always, very happy with it and thank you most warmly for it. Likewise for your dear letter and the package, [we] express heartfelt thanks. It also arrived in good condition and brought great joy. Now the weather has become so beautiful that one gets a great longing for peace. We already had bad news this week. Our [dear] aunt [and] relatives from Darmstadt and Nürnberg had to go away. One has no news at all from the other dear ones. For several days now there has been a district ban [Bezirksverbot] for everyone in the entire home — even the women whose husbands are here cannot [continues on next page]

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This letter contains critical historical testimony. The phrase "Verwandten aus Darmstadt u. Nürnberg müssten weg" ("relatives from Darmstadt and Nürnberg had to go away") is a direct reference to deportations — Jews from Darmstadt were deported to Piaski (in the Lublin district of occupied Poland) on March 25, 1942, just two days before this letter was written. The "Bezirksverbot" (district ban) refers to the increasingly severe movement restrictions imposed on Jews, confining them to their immediate area. The euphemistic language ("had to go away") reflects both the censorship of mail and the writers' own uncertainty about destinations. By this time, Julius and Elsa were likely confined to a "Judenhaus" (Jewish house) or similar communal living arrangement, as indicated by the reference to "im ganzen Heim" (in the entire home).

come to visit. If dear Karl comes here, and lets us know the day and approximate time when you can be with us, we can meet you outside in good weather. Otherwise, you can have us called. Everything is so difficult, and yet we are so very glad to see you well. Health-wise, we are doing fairly well, and once again a heartfelt "God reward you" for your gift. Warmest greetings to you all, Your loving Julius and Elsa

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This continuation reveals the severe restrictions on Julius and Elsa's daily life. They must be notified in advance of visits and can only meet visitors "outside" (draussen) — suggesting they are confined to a building and need special arrangements to receive guests. The "Bezirksverbot" (district ban) mentioned on the previous page means they cannot leave their designated area. Karl appears to be a relative still able to visit them in Munich. Despite everything, the letter maintains a tone of warmth and gratitude, closing with the deeply Bavarian expression "Vergelt's Gott" (May God reward you). This was written less than five months before their letter of July 18, 1942 (image 0022), after which no further correspondence appears in the collection.

My dear ones, July 18, 1942 This morning your beautiful package arrived, and we thank you most warmly for it. Everything arrived in very good condition and tastes excellent, and it made us very happy, as always. You are right, dear Karl — the jam jar could [not survive] this shipping [process] without breaking. Hopefully you are all well and have good news from Karl? It has now gotten warmer. Did you receive our letter and the empty cartons? We are, thank God, healthy and already look forward to your dear letter, dear Karl. Once again, all the best and may God reward you, with best greetings to all of you, your loving Julius and Elsa

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This brief but deeply poignant letter, dated July 18, 1942, is one of the latest documents in this collection. By this date, the systematic deportation and murder of Munich's Jews was well underway. The first deportation from Munich to Kaunas occurred on November 20, 1941, followed by transports to Piaski (April 1942), Theresienstadt, and Auschwitz. That Julius and Elsa were still able to write in July 1942 suggests they had not yet been deported. The letter's mundane discussion of packages, jam jars, and weather stands in stark contrast to the horror surrounding them. The phrase "Vergelt's Gott" (May God reward you) is a traditional Bavarian/Southern German expression of deep gratitude. This letter represents the Oppenheimers clinging to normalcy and family connection in the face of impending catastrophe.

1) Dear Cousin! Gemmingen, October 30, 1946 I found your address earlier at the town hall in Gemmingen. As I begin this letter -- your dear mother is after all in America. It is a miracle from God to me that you survived the terrible times. But very few of us survived this dreadful catastrophe. My dear father died in KZ Buchenwald concentration camp. My Uncle Julius and Aunt Elsa, Aunt Frieda and their children were deported and never returned. Aunt Klara was together with your dear father at Burkenbrausch [?] and I went to look for many things. Only my sister Margrit [Margit] and I survived the concentration camp period. My sister worked as a gardener and in a wood factory. She emigrated to Palestine half a year ago and is near a settlement that was established in 1939. Now I will report about myself: At the beginning of 1939, I was at the Jewish emigration training estate in Esslingen, then at the Jewish emigration training farm at [continues on page 2]

1) Liebe Cousine! Gemmingen den 30.10.46 Ich habe fruher Deine Adresse auf dem Rathaus in Gemmingen aufgefunden. Als ich mit dem Brief anfange, ich Deine liebe Mutter geht doch bis in Amerika. Es ist mir ein Gotterwunder, dass Du die schwere Zeit uberstanden hast. Doch auf haben sehr wenige von uns diese schreckliche Katastrophe uberlebt. Mein lieber Vater ist in dem K.Z. Buchenwald gestorben. Mein Onkel Julius und Tante Elsa, Tante Frieda und deren Kinder sind verschleppt und sind nicht mehr zuruckgekehrt. Tante Klara war zusammen mit Deinem lieben Vater nach Burkenbrausch [?] und gehe ich habe ich auf vieles [?] war es gespaht. Nur meine Schwester Margrit und ich haben die K.Z. Zeit uberstanden. Meine Schwester war ein Gartnerin und Holzfabrik. Sie ist von einem halben Jahre nach Palastina mit ausgewandert und befindet sich in der Nahe von einer Ortschaft nanntes [?] die 1939 mit zusammengebaut ist. Mein, will ich von mir berichten: Anfang 1939 war ich von den jud. Auswanderunglehrgut in Esslingen auf dem jud. Auswanderungslehrgut

This is the first page of a 3-page handwritten letter from Josef Oppenheimer, written on the same date as the typed letter (October 30, 1946) but apparently a more personal, detailed account. He provides crucial family information: his father Moses Oppenheimer died at KZ Buchenwald, Uncle Julius and Aunt Elsa Oppenheimer were deported and did not return, Aunt Frieda and her children were deported and did not return, Aunt Klara (Kaufmann, nee Oppenheimer) is mentioned in connection with the recipient's father. Only Josef and his sister Margit survived the camps. Margit had emigrated to Palestine about half a year before (around early 1946). Josef had been at Jewish emigration training farms (Hachshara) in Esslingen and then Grossbreesen near Breslau.